The China in Africa Podcast

A series of high-profile recent incidents including the use of blackface on Chinese TV, discrimination against Black residents in the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou, and widespread racial insensitivity on Chinese social media sites like Weibo have sparked a vibrant discussion about anti-Black racism in China.

While these conversations have done a lot to advance our collective understanding of the complexities of this issue, too often, though, Chinese voices are under-represented in the conversation.

A group of young Chinese scholars is hoping to change that by engaging both domestic and international stakeholders in a far more nuanced discourse on race and identity in China. Last August, they published a controversial analysis on the prevalence of anti-Black racism on Weibo. Later, they translated some of their findings into English and published it on The China Africa Project.

The scholars have chosen to remain anonymous out of concern that the sensitive nature of the topic will provoke a dangerous backlash from online trolls. Two of those researchers join Eric & Cobus to explain what they feel is missing from the debate about Chinese-Black race relations in China. They also invited five of their academic colleagues to share their perspectives on the issue as well.

SHOW NOTES:

• Anti-Black Racism on the Chinese Social Media Network Weibo by Anonymous: https://bit.ly/2Quv66L
• 我们分析了五万条种族歧视账号微博，发现了这些: https://bit.ly/3jQIkph

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The Chinese government insists that politics play no part in its rapidly expanding global vaccine distribution campaign. But when you look at the maps as to where Chinese vaccine sales and donations are heaviest, it just so happens to be in regions that are among the most strategically important to Beijing: Southeast Asia, the Persian Gulf, and South America.

Rosie Wigmore in Beijing and Ovigwe Eguegu in Abuja, both policy analysts for the Beijing-based consultancy Development Reimagined, have been closely tracking the increasingly fraught politics related to vaccine distribution. They join Eric & Cobus to talk about their latest commentaries on the issue and what the key issues are in the months ahead.

SHOW NOTES:

• 5 Reasons to Worry About the ‘Chinese Vaccine Diplomacy’ Narrative by Rosie Wigmore: https://bit.ly/3lMXoVW
• Will Chinese-Made COVID-19 Vaccines Find Acceptance in Nigeria? by Ovigwe Eguegu: https://bit.ly/3bFjtlS

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The recent visit to Zambia by China's top foreign policy official Yang Jiechi highlights the outsized importance Lusaka plays in Beijing's broader Africa strategy. Relations between the countries are among China's oldest on the continent, dating back to the anti-colonial struggles of the 1960s.

Today, ideology has given way to economics. Zambia is a key supplier of copper and iron ore while China is Lusaka's largest bilateral creditor.

Emmanuel Matambo, a native-Zambian and research director at the Centre for Africa-China Studies at the University of Johannesburg, joins Eric & Cobus to discuss how debt, xenophobia, and geopolitics are together placing unprecedented strains on the Sino-Zambian relationship.

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YouTube: The Impact of Zambia-China Relations on Zambia's Democracy

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China's enormous size affords it tremendous advantages in its relations with smaller countries, particularly developing states in the global south. Beijing regularly leverages its huge economy, growing military power, and diplomatic muscle in international organizations to both cajole and even coerce other countries in pursuit of its own interests.

China's behavior towards smaller states is by no means exceptional. In fact, it's quite standard among the world's major powers. The more pressing question, though, is how do these smaller countries respond to a more assertive China? In many instances, there is no response. Many developing countries have been slow to shift their focus from traditional power centers in Washington, London and Brussels to Beijing and, as such, have not built up the internal competencies within their governments to effectively negotiate with China.

But in Argentina, that's starting to change. Santiago Bustelo is a China advisor in the Ministry of Development who brings almost a decade of experience in Chinese politics and economics to help the government in Buenos Aires form a more effective engagement strategy with Beijing.

Santiago joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the particular challenges that smaller states like Argentina face in crafting a China policy.

SHOW NOTES:

Tips for African Negotiators Doing Deals with China: Rebalancing Asymmetries by Hervé Lado and Folashadé Soulé: https://bit.ly/3cLeijE

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This month marks the one-year anniversary of the Black China Caucus (BCC), an organization set up to foster a more inclusive discussion about China. BCC was founded by a group of Black China professionals in the United States with a range of backgrounds in academia, politics, and business who all saw it as an urgent imperative that traditionally marginalized voices now become a part of the broader conversation on China.

BCC Co-Founder, Dr. Keisha Brown, an assistant professor at Tennessee State University in Nashville, and Executive Vice President Avonda Fogan, an education executive in Washington, D.C. join Eric & Cobus to discuss why diversifying the predominantly white China watching community in the U.S. and Europe is so important.

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The Black China Caucus and NüVoices:

Web: blackchinacaucus.org & nuvoices.com.

Twitter: @BLKChinaCaucus & @nuvoices

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The Chinese "are kicking our tails everywhere" warned Tibor Nagy in a recent column published in the Lubbock Avalanche-Journal newspaper in Texas. The former top U.S. diplomat for Africa called on the new Biden administration to do more to confront Beijing's "unrestrained and aggressive tactics" on the continent.

Nagy's comments come as both Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi and U.S. Secretary of State Antony Blinken held press conferences last week where both castigated the other country, providing yet another indication of rapidly deteriorating relations between the two powers.

After more than 30 years in the State Department, including ambassadorial appointments in both Guinea and Ethiopia and then named in 2018 to be Assistant Secretary of State, Nagy is among America's most experienced Africa-focused diplomats. He joins Eric & Cobus from Washington, D.C. to discuss what he thinks the U.S. needs to do to respond to China's surging influence in Africa and why it's so important that Washington take immediate action.

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Kenya has done far better than many countries in fostering robust ties with both the United States and China, particularly in economic relations. Just last week, President Uhuru Kenyatta spoke by phone with his American counterpart Joe Biden and among the issues they discussed was the revival of talks to finalize a free trade agreement between the two countries.

On the Chinese side, the Kenyatta administration is negotiating with its creditors in Beijing to restructure billions of dollars of outstanding loans. Already, China's policy banks have deferred just under a quarter-billion dollars of debt repayments and the two sides are now also working to handover key infrastructure projects like the Standard Gauge Railway to local control ahead of schedule as a way to reduce the loan repayment burden.

But none of this may be enough to avert severe economic distress, according to Elijah Munyi, an assistant professor at the United States International University-Africa in Nairobi. Professor Munyi, who's an expert in Kenyan international relations, joins Eric to discuss why he sees a very difficult road ahead.

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Africa is emerging as a front in two great power rivalries, one between China and the U.S. and the other between China and India. The increasingly bitter feud between Asia's two largest countries now extends beyond the sub-continent into the Indian Ocean and all the way to Africa.

Abishek Mishra, a junior fellow at the New Delhi-based think tank Observer Research Foundation, closely follows China-India-Africa relations, particularly in the maritime sector. He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss how the feud between Asia's two largest countries impacts Africa.

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Chinese debt relief talks are underway in a number of African countries including Angola, Zambia, Kenya, and Ethiopia among others but you wouldn't really know it. Officials on all sides aren't saying much and there's relatively little press coverage on the issue.

Meantime, a growing number of African countries are signing on to the G20's common framework while at the same time negotiating debt deferral deals with the IMF and other multilateral creditors. In terms of private creditors, there's been little to no progress on any meaningful restructuring of the billions of Eurobond obligations owed by African borrowers.

Mark Bohlund, a senior credit research analyst at REDD Intelligence in London, closely follows everything going on in the African debt market. He joins Eric & Cobus to provide an update on China's role in the debt situation confronting many of Africa's largest economies.

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April 11th will mark the one-year anniversary of what's become known as "the Guangzhou Incident" when dozens, possibly hundreds of African residents in the southern Chinese city were evicted from their homes and hotels. Chinese officials denied that Black and African residents were singled out as part of a broader crackdown to enforce stringent COVID-19 health regulations, but much of the rest of the world didn't buy it after they saw countless social videos depicting blatant maltreatment.

Although many people today associate Guangzhou with what happened last April, the fact is that the African diaspora community there had been under intense pressure for years. Tougher Chinese immigration laws, higher livings costs, and new zoning ordinances all made life increasingly difficult for African transnational migrants -- especially those whose immigration status wasn't always fully legal. And this was BEFORE the pandemic.

Roberto Castillo, an assistant professor at Lingnan University in Hong Kong, has been closely following those changes in southern China's African diaspora communities for more than a decade. He's just come out with a new book on the subject and joins Eric & Cobus to discuss how Asia's largest overseas African population is undergoing profound change.

SHOW NOTES:

Amazon.com: purchase the Kindle edition of African Transnational Mobility in China: Africans on the Move by Roberto Castillo

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China is steadily, albeit quietly, deepening its ties in the Caribbean region using many of the same techniques that it did in the early 2000s when it ramped up its engagement in Africa. The Chinese are buying more agriculture, building infrastructure, and integrating a growing number of Caribbean states into its Belt and Road global trade agenda.

But Rasheed Griffith, host of the China in the Caribbean Podcast, cautions that while Beijing's engagement in the Caribbean may look a lot like what it's doing in Africa and other developing regions, there are some important differences.

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The China Road and Bridge Corporation is building a massive new half-a-billion dollar expressway right through the Kenyan capital of Nairobi. But this project is very different than previous Chinese-financed infrastructure initiatives in Kenya, like the ailing Standard Gauge Railway for example, where the government borrowed billions from the China Exim Bank.

Instead, the new Nairobi Expressway is a public-private-partnership (PPP) where CRBC is putting up the money and in turn, will receive a long-term concession to recoup its investment before handing the road back to the Kenyan government. It's easy to see why a lot of people like this model given that the host country doesn't incur any debt and the contractor has a chance to earn a sizable return on its investment. But in Kenya, as in many countries, PPPs are complicated and very risky.

Nairobi-based journalist Ismail Einashe is closely following the development of the new Nairobi Expressway and shared some of his reflections of the project in a "Letter From Africa" that was recently published on BBC News. Ismail joins Eric & Cobus from Nairobi to discuss why this particular road could tell us a lot about the future of infrastructure financing in Africa.

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COVID-19 vaccines are finally starting to make their way to the world's poorest countries as production of Chinese, Russian and Indian jabs ramps up. But it's the large-scale distribution of Chinese vaccines that's causing a lot of people around the world, particularly in U.S. and European countries, to become increasingly worried about the geopolitical ramifications.

In Africa, the Chinese have exported vaccines to half a dozen countries and are in talks with dozens more to make jabs available in the coming months. Similarly, a new air bridge between the two regions is now operational that will facilitate the transportation and distribution of vaccines throughout Africa.

Nwachukwu Egbunike, the Sub-Saharan Community Manager for the independent journalism website Global Voices, says the West isn't in a good position to complain about China's "vaccine diplomacy" given how little they're doing to help the situation. Nwachukwu joins Eric & Cobus to discuss a two-part series he wrote on the geopolitical ramifications of COVID-19 vaccine distribution for China, Africa and Western countries.

SHOW NOTES:

Read Nwachukwu Egbunike's two-part series: COVID-19 vaccine in Africa - Caught between China’s soft-power diplomacy and the West’s vaccine nationalism

• Part 1: https://bit.ly/2YVAi4K
• Part 2: https://bit.ly/2YVH8ak

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China has dramatically cut back financing overseas infrastructure development initiatives, especially for carbon-intensive energy projects involving oil, gas, and coal. From 2016 to 2019, China's two major policy banks slashed lending by a stunning 85%.

However, renewables are the exception, according to a new report by the Green Belt and Road Initiative Center at the Central University of Finance and Economics in Beijing. For the first time ever last year, financing for renewable energy projects using solar, wind, or hydropower accounted for more than half of all of Chinese investment in energy infrastructure around the world, said the report.

And BRI countries benefitted significantly more than those not a part of Beijing's global trade agenda.

Two of the report's authors, Christoph Nedopil, founding director of the Green BRI Center, and Mengdi Yue, a researcher at the center, join Eric & Cobus from Beijing to discuss the report's findings and why financing renewable energy is now a more important policy priority for Beijing.

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While Chinese engagement in Africa is a relatively new phenomenon, dating back around 20 years now, countries in Southeast Asia have millennia of experience in managing ties with Beijing. Today, the 10 countries that make up the Association of Southeast Asian Nations or ASEAN, are on the frontlines of the Belt and Road Initiative and China's rapidly escalating rivalry with the United States.

And given that most of Southeast Asia is very similar to Africa in terms of demographics (both young regions), agriculture (both are predominantly agrarian), and development (average per capita incomes are similar at around $4,000-$5,000), there are a number of applicable lessons that African stakeholders can takeaway from ASEAN's experience in managing ties with China.

Sebastian Strangio, Southeast Asia Editor at the Asia-Pacific news site The Diplomat, is among the world's leading journalists covering the region and also the author of a new book that chronicles ASEAN's complex, often contentious relationship with its powerful neighbor to the north. Sebastian joins Eric & Cobus to discuss how countries in this part of the world have learned to live "in the dragon's shadow."

AMAZON.COM: In The Dragon's Shadow: Southeast Asia in the Chinese Century by Sebastian Strangio

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Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi's January visit to Tanzania highlighted the East African country's growing importance to Beijing. It's a strategically located Belt and Road country that has the potential to serve as a major gateway to inland regional markets along with easy access to some of Africa's largest ports on the Indian Ocean.

But relations between the two countries have been quite bumpy over the past couple of years. President John Magufuli famously and quite publicly rejected a Chinese deal to re-build the Port of Bagamoyo and there was widespread outrage in Tanzania in response to the poor treatment of African residents in the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou.

University of Dar es Salaam political science lecturer Shangwe Muhidin is among the world's leading Sino-Tanzanian affairs scholars and joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why Wang chose to visit Tanzania now and how Beijing's ties there are quite different from those in other East African countries.

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In January, China published a blueprint for how it plans to become one of the world's leading countries in international and development. The white paper on "China's International's Development Cooperation in the New Era" released by the State Council updates two previous strategy documents and outlines Beijing's ambitious plans to overhaul its current, rather limited, aid and development initiatives around the world.

But the paper also makes it clear that the Chinese don't have any plans to conform their new aid agenda to those of Western-led international organizations and donor states. Instead, the new strategy talks about new "diverse forms" of aid and the integration of China's development policies with other initiatives like the Belt and Road.

The timing of this new aid plan is also critical as many of those traditional donors are under mounting pressure to cut their foreign aid budgets -- the implications of what the Chinese say they want to do could be significant for Africa and other developing regions.

Stella Hong Zhang, a PhD candidate at George Mason University in the United States, is among the world's leading experts on Chinese international aid and development. She described the new white paper as a "landmark document" and joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why she feels it's so important.

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Getting a loan from one of China's two largest policy banks is significantly more difficult than it was just a couple of years ago. According to data from Boston University's Global Development Policy Center, lending by the China Development Bank and the China Exim Bank plunged 94% from $75 billion in 2016 to just $4 billion in 2019.

This is a dramatic shift given that these two banks alone over the past 20 years have lent nearly as much as the World Bank.

BU's findings have generated quite a bit of discussion and while other analysts may disagree with some of their results, most share their conclusion that Chinese policy bank lending has indeed fallen precipitously with no indication as to if or when it'll rebound.

Kevin Gallagher, director of the Global Development Policy Center, and Rebecca Ray, a senior academic researcher there were among the leads who helped to build the new interactive database that tracks Chinese policy bank lending around the world. They both join Eric & Cobus from Boston to discuss their research and why Beijing is now far more judicious with its loans.

SHOW NOTES:

• The Chinese Overseas Development Finance interactive database.
• Blog post: Tracking China’s Overseas Development Finance

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Foreign Minister Wang Yi's stopover in Kinshasa on his latest Africa tour highlights the growing importance of the DR Congo in Chinese foreign policy. During his visit, Wang announced a modest debt relief package and that the DRC would become the 45th African country to join the Belt and Road Initiative.

But those initiatives belie the DR Congo's larger importance to China. The Chinese are now in the midst of a major cobalt buying binge, a critical metal found largely in the DRC. Similarly, Kinshasa has been a reliable supporter of Beijing's controversial positions at the United Nations, including its stance on Xinjiang.

Stockholm-based independent researcher Johanna Malm is one of the world's leading scholars on Sino-DRC relations and has been closely watching the rapid evolution of Chinese engagement in the DRC from the mid-2000s to the present. She joins Eric & Cobus to provide some perspective on how China's current moves there are part of a trajectory that began with an enormous mining deal in 2007.

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"Made in China" once represented the lowest-cost manufacturing in the world. Not anymore. Labor costs have been steadily rising, environmental regulations are much stricter now, and, as of last year, Chinese products exported to the U.S. come with expensive tariffs.

In response, Chinese manufacturers have been moving their operations overseas, sparking an intense global competition among many of the world's poorest countries to see who can attract that investment. Southeast Asia, at least so far, appears to be the big winner. But other regions, including Africa, aren't giving up -- countries such Ethiopia are aggressively positioning themselves as an ideal gateway for Chinese producers to access the European, U.S., and even the Chinese market itself.

Jia Yu from the Institute of New Structural Economics at Peking University, one of Beijing's most prestigious international development think tanks, closely follows the Chinese offshoring trends and has conducted extensive research on Chinese Special Economic Zone development in Ethiopia and in various Asian countries. She joins Eric & Cobus to explain where Chinese manufacturers are going and whether African countries are well-positioned now to pick up some of that business.

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China is steadily reducing its dependence on African oil suppliers who once accounted for a third of Chinese crude imports. Today, China buys more oil from Saudia Arabia than any other country in the world. From 2019 to 2020, Chinese oil buys from the Kingdom surged 47%. The Chinese are also buying more oil from Iraq and leveraging its close ties with the United Arab Emirates to establish sophisticated trading logistics hubs in Dubai as part of the Belt and Road Initiative.

And China's presence in the Middle East, the Persian Gulf, and North Africa isn't confined to just the commercial realm. Beijing is also rapidly expanding its diplomatic and security engagement in those regions. Now, some are beginning to wonder if China has hegemonic ambitions that will challenge incumbent powers like the United States.

Afshin Molavi doesn't think so, at least not now. Molavi closely follows Middle East North Africa (MENA) politics as a senior fellow at the Johns Hopkins SAIS Foreign Policy Institute in Washington, D.C., and regularly travels to the region to meet with senior stakeholders. He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his new paper, Enter The Dragon: China’s Growing Influence In The Middle East And North Africa and explains policymakers need a more refined view of China's ambitions in MENA.

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With the COVID-19 pandemic still raging, the debt crisis unresolved, and preparations underway for the triennial China-Africa leaders' summit now underway, 2021 is shaping up to be another pivotal year. In this special edition, analysts and scholars from China, the U.S., and several African countries share their perspectives on how they think these critical issues are going to play out in the months ahead.

This week's show features analysis from the following experts:

• Zhou Zixiang, Policy & Advocacy Associate at Bridge Consulting in Beijing | @BridgeBeijing
• Gyude Moore, Senior Policy Fellow at the Center for Global Development in Washington, D.C. | @gyude_moore
• Kaiser Kuo, Host of the Sinica Podcast | @KaiserKuo
• Judd Devermont, Africa Program Director at the Center for Strategic and International Studies in Washington, D.C. | @JDevermont
• Rasheed Griffith, Host of the China in the Caribbean Podcast | @rasheedguo
• Andrea Ghiselli, Assistant Professor of International Relations at Fudan University in Shanghai | @AGhiselliChina
• Hangwei Li, China-Africa Scholar at the University of London | @Hangwei_Li
• Ovigwe Eguegu, Lagos-based Policy Analyst at Development Reimagined | @OvigweEguegu

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This April's outburst of discrimination against Black and African residents in the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou marked a seminal event in China-Africa relations this year. Dozens, possibly hundreds of Black and African residents were evicted from their homes and hotels in mid-April in response to a COVID-19 inspired crackdown by municipal authorities.

Images and videos of mostly young African men sleeping on the streets of Guangzhou, being accosted by police, and refused entry to local businesses, most notably at a McDonald's, filled African social media and enraged people across the continent.

Those events, now known as "Guangzhou Incidents," drew worldwide attention -- both about what happened in southern China and the Chinese government's response that combined a mix of denial, contrition, and accusations that the U.S. was somehow complicit.

While the story made international headlines, few outlets covered it with the depth and nuance than Blacklivity China, an online community dedicated to all aspects of the African diaspora in China. Two of Blacklivity China's managers, Saron Tamerat and Co-Founder Runako Celina join Eric & Cobus to share their reflections on the "Guangzhou Incidents" and what impact it had on the larger China-Africa relationship.

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It's going to be much more difficult for countries in Africa and other developing regions to borrow money from China. New research from Boston University's Global Development Policy Center reveals a sharp drop in overseas lending by the country's two largest policy banks, from $75 billion in 2016 to just $4 billion last year.

After years of sometimes profligate lending, Chinese creditors are showing newfound discipline on what they finance.

Dr. Yan Wang, a senior visiting fellow at the Institute of New Structural Economics at Peking University, is among the world's leading experts in Chinese overseas development finance. She joins Eric & Cobus to discuss her latest research on the issue and why she thinks Beijing is now pulling back the reins on lending.

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The ongoing debt crisis in Zambia and several other African countries is proving to be much more difficult to resolve than in previous years because of the expanded role of both Chinese lenders and bondholders. Both of these creditors have starkly different approaches in how they're handling the situation when countries find themselves unable to meet their obligations.

In Zambia, in particular, critics accuse the Chinese of not being forthcoming about the size and nature of their loan portfolio in the country. Similarly, private creditors face equal scorn for appearing to be inflexible.

But private creditors, for their part, say those critiques are not fair as they don't take into the legal obligations that asset managers, hedge funds, and other investors face as part of their fiduciary responsibility. Furthermore, given that many of the institutions that manage Eurobond holdings in Africa represent hundreds, even thousands of individual investors, getting them all to agree to a debt relief package would be difficult if not impossible.

The Emerging Markets Investors Alliance (EMIA), a U.S.-based non-profit industry group, represents many of those institutional investors that own Zambian debt. EMIA Research Analyst Ken Colangelo joins Eric & Cobus from New York to discuss the perspective of investors in the ongoing debt crisis in Zambia and elsewhere on the continent.

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Register for EMIA's webinar on Debt, Sustainability & Governance Forum on Zambia that will take place on December 16th.

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South Africa is home to the largest and one of the oldest Chinese diaspora populations in Africa, dating back hundreds of years. Although there are no precise figures, the ethnic Chinese population in the country is estimated to be at least 300,000.

And during that long history, the Chinese community has often struggled to find a place within South Africa's complicated racial matrix. Even today, long after the end of apartheid, and despite South Africa's full embrace of multiculturalism, a sense of "otherness" hangs over the country's diverse ethnic Chinese communities.

Dartmouth College Assistant Professor Mingwei Huang has spent years studying Chinese migration and assimilation patterns in South Africa, particularly in Johannesburg. She recently contributed a chapter to the new book "Anxious Joburg" where she explored how architecture in Johannesburg's Chinatown is a manifestation of the Chinese community's complex history in South Africa.

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2020's been a turbulent year for China's relations with African countries amid the ongoing pandemic, a worsening debt crisis and an eruption of racial tensions. While those are no doubt difficult challenges, it's also important to note that a lot of good things also happened this year.

Trade volumes remain surprisingly strong, Chinese tech investment on the continent is booming and people-to-people ties, especially among students, media and government officials, are all doing relatively well all things considered.

Dr. David Monyae, director of the Africa-China Centre at the University of Johannesburg and co-director of the school's Confucius Institute is optimistic about the future of China-Africa relations despite many of the current difficulties. He joins Eric & Cobus to look back on the some of the key issues that arose in 2020 and shares a few insights about what to look for in the year ahead.

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Over the past 20 years China has played a pivotal, arguably indispensable role in Africa's economic development. China is by far Africa's largest bilateral trading partner, a major source of foreign investment and a vital player in helping Africa to close its huge infrastructure deficit. But in recent years, since around 2015, the economic relationship between these two regions has been steadily evolving. Now, with the rise of the Belt and Road, China is no longer as dependent on Africa for the oil, timber and minerals that make up the bulk of Chinese trade and investment on the continent.

Tsinghua University professor Tang Xiaoyang and Overseas Development Institute Research Fellow Linda Calabrese recently published a new paper that explores China's role in Africa's economic transformation. They join Eric & Cobus to discuss their findings and share their insights on the current state of China-Africa economic ties amid the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic.

Also, this week, we feature a short interview with Ghana Business News Managing Editor Emmanuel Dogbeviabout his determination to continue publishing after a fire destroyed almost all of the company's equipment.

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Combatting fake news, misinformation and outright propaganda is one of the foremost challenges confronting policymakers in Africa and elsewhere around the world. Some of that misleading information is distributed organically while other memes are intentionally deployed by governments to influence local populations.

Two researchers in South Africa are exploring the role of Russian misinformation campaigns and Chinese propaganda on the continent. Dzvinka Kachur, a researcher at The Centre for Complex Systems in Transition at Stellenbosch University in Cape Town, and Jean Le Roux, research associate for the Sub-Saharan Africa region at the Atlantic Council’s Digital Forensic Research Lab (DFRLab) based in South Africa, joins Eric & Cobus to discuss their findings and what can be done to combat the spread of fake news.

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The technology stack, either in a company or a country, is comprised of the different technology layers that together form a digital communications ecosystem. And in places like East Africa, Chinese technology is indispensable up and down the stack -- everything from the internet cables that deliver connectivity to the networks that route all of the data and, most visibly, all those Chinese-made mobile phones that are ubiquitous.

So, when the U.S. government focuses a disproportionate amount of attention on Huawei, and ZTE to some extent, they're missing the much bigger picture where Chinese technology is pervasive throughout East Africa's digital ecosystem.

And Chinese tech companies aren't just playing in the hardware space, they're also becoming increasingly active in the African app market, e-commerce and laying the ground work for emerging technologies including blockchain and cryptocurrencies. Michael Kimani is closely following all of this from Nairobi where he's an independent blockchain advisor to companies and governments in the region.

He joins Eric & Cobus to share his insights on the latest Chinese tech trends in East Africa and why he thinks companies like Huawei are well-positioned in the market.

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Michael Kimani's blog: kioneki.com

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There's an emerging consensus in Washington, D.C. that a future Biden foreign policy towards Africa is probably going to look a lot like the policies enacted by the Obama administration. Two aspects of this new/old approach stand out from what the U.S. is currently doing on the continent:

• LESS FOCUS ON CHINA: While confronting China around the world will remain a top priority for the White House, it's widely expected that the focus on Beijing will be reduced in places like Africa.
• RETURN TO VALUES-BASED DIPLOMACY: The U.S. will move to rejoin multilateral organizations as part of a broader effort to put democracy promotion, governance and transparency as key foreign policy pillars.

But with the election still unresolved at home, it's not going to be easy for the incoming president to quickly implement these changes as he'll be confronted with a number of other, more pressing challenges.

Aubrey Hruby, a senior fellow at the Atlantic Council's Africa Center, and Landry Singé, a senior fellow at The Brookings Institution, are among Washington's leading analysts who frequently advise high-level government officials. They join Eric & Cobus to share a few insights on what they're hearing about what's to come and how the U.S. should best re-position itself against China and other international actors in Africa.

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After a tumultuous 3.5 years, a wide array of African stakeholders are hoping for a "reset" in Washington's ties with the continent following the election of President-elect Joe Biden. Specifically, they're hoping the United States will re-engage multilateral institutions like the WHO and the WTO, resume its traditional leadership role in international finance and do more to help countries battle the spread of COVID-19.

But more than anything, there's a desire for the United States to dial down the rhetoric against China. African leaders have become increasingly anxious in recent months that they're going to once again get swept up in a great power duel. Memories of the last Cold War are still fresh and how Africa suffered disproportionately. Furthermore, heightened U.S.-China tensions unnerve global markets that brings down prices of oil and other key commodities that generate the bulk of the continent's income.

Josh Eisenman, an associate professor at the University of Notre Dame who specializes in Chinese global politics has been closely following the political maneuverings between the U.S. and China following the election. He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the role that China may play in the incoming administration's future Africa policy.

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BOOK: China and Africa: A Century of Engagement by Joshua Eisenman and David Shinn

• English Edition: https://amzn.to/3nocaSz (Amazon.com)
• Chinese Edition: https://bit.ly/35oaC4F (CUHK Press)

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African residents living in China today are either students or traders, according to widely-held perceptions. With more than 80,000 African students studying in China every year and tens of thousands of people from across the continent doing business in port cities like Guangzhou and Yiwu, it's not surprising that a lot of people see it that way.

But it's a gross over-simplification of what's a very diverse population and those perceptions also don't account for the growing number of black professionals who now live in many of China's largest cities, especially in places like Hong Kong.

Adedamola Sowole, aka the "Fantastic Fo" and Louisa Awolaja, aka "Lou," want to change that with a new podcast they co-host together about the black expat experience in Hong Kong. Both Fo and Lou are Nigerian British expats who work in the territory in professional jobs and interview other black expatriates about daily life in one of Asia's largest cities. The two join Eric & Cobus to talk about the show and the sensitive issues they tackle in each episode.

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Since its inception in 2013, Chinese government officials have insisted that the Belt and Road is solely an economic initiative and does not have any military motivations. But the BRI's civil-military distinction is no longer as clear cut as it used to be. President Xi Jinping himself called for a strong BRI security system to protect China's overseas interests, people and property.

One little-known aspect of the BRI is that much of the overseas construction, particularly ports, must conform to standards that conform to the People's Liberation Army's requirements. So, while today there's little evidence that China is leveraging the BRI for security or military purposes, there are concerns that it is positioning to be able to do so in the future should the need arise.

Daniel Russel, vice president for international security and diplomacy at the New York-based Asia Society Policy Institute, examined the security dimensions of the BRI in a recent paper. Daniel joins Eric & Cobus to discuss what he calls the Belt and Road's "civil-military fusion" in maritime, terrestrial and space environments.

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Watch a discussion with the authors of ASPI's report Weaponizing the Belt and Road Initiative: https://youtu.be/PX5PnnnYrFw

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Africa's economic landscape today looks bleak. Debt levels, unemployment rates and bankruptcies are all on the rise across much of the continent. And it doesn't look like there's going to be much help from the international community to weather the worst financial crisis in a generation. Both Chinese and private creditors aren't giving borrowers a whole lot of flexibility and traditional donors in the U.S., Europe and Japan are preoccupied with their own crises.

Given how difficult times are for so many people, it's easy to lose perspective and see only the negative side of things.

But Djoudie Etoundi-Essomba thinks that would be a serious mistake. More importantly, the Washington, D.C.-based founder and CEO of the investment advisory firm Emerging Africa Partners argues that while things are indeed challenging now, there are still a lot of reasons to be optimistic about the continent's economic future.

Djoudie joins Eric & Cobus to challenge some of the prevailing negative narratives about Africa and explain why he thinks the so-called "professional pessimists" are wrong.

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Amid the shutdowns in both Asia and Africa due to the COVID-19 outbreak there've been serious disruptions to the illegal wildlife trade between the two continents. But even though it's been harder to get African wildlife products to markets in China, Vietnam and elsewhere in Asia, the pace of killing has actually gone up by some estimates.

Park rangers who've been on the front lines battling against poachers have been forced to remain in the barracks due to the pandemic, providing organized crime syndicates with unfettered access to pangolins, rhinos and elephant populations among other animals.

James Compton, senior director for Asia-Pacific for the international wildlife conservation group TRAFFIC, closely follows the trade from Southeast Asia. He joins Eric & Cobus from Vietnam to discuss why the pandemic provides critical motivation for Asian governments to finally crackdown on illicit trafficking of both animals and animal parts.

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The Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is a central theme of China's foreign policy, particularly in developing regions like Africa where it's linked to billions of dollars of infrastructure development. But when you ask Chinese officials "what exactly is the BRI?" no one really seems to have a definitive answer.

It's a development agenda, a foreign policy initiative, a security strategy... and much more all mixed together.

While it may seem counterintuitive, but that ambiguity/confusion is actually intentional, according to Jonathan Hillman, a senior fellow at the Center for Strategic and International and author of the new book "The Emperor’s New Road: China and the Project of the Century." Jonathan joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his journey along the BRI and why it embodies China's push for "incremental imperialism."

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Purchase The Emperor's New Road: China and the Project of the Century on Amazon.com.

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The small, impoverished land-locked Southeast Asian nation of Laos is a focal point of China's ambitious Belt and Road Initiative and also emerging a case study in how Beijing is handling a burgeoning debt crisis in the country. Just as in a number of African countries, Laos is increasingly unable to repay the massive infrastructure loans that it borrowed from China to build badly-needed infrastructure including railways and power transmission.

But there are some interesting experiments going on in Laos that might shed some light on how China plans to handle some of its debts in Africa. Specifically, a debt-for-equity swap with the country's state-owned power company could be an option that is employed in places like Kenya where the government is already behind on some of its loan payments.

Hong Kong University of Science and Technology Research Assistant Professor Kelly Wanjing Chen has been closely following the debt crisis in Laos and published a paper on the topic this fall. She's also an expert on Chinese debt financing in the global South. Kelly joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the Chinese debt crisis in Laos and whether there are any lessons that can be applied to what's happening in Africa.

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Even before the current economic crisis brought on by the COVID-19 pandemic there were widespread concerns about Chinese lending practices in Africa. The U.S. and other critics contend that Beijing is employing a predatory lending strategy where it intentionally loads up poor countries with unsustainable amounts of debt. When they invariably can't repay those loans, China swoops in to seize assets.

While this so-called "debt trap" theory remains very popular, there's simply no evidence to support the assertion according to scholars who've looked into thousands of Chinese loan deals around the world.

So, if it's not a "debt trap" then what are the Chinese doing?

This is a particularly pertinent question now as Angola, Zambia and Kenya are all confronting severe challenges in their abilities to repay Chinese loans. Since this is the first time that African borrowers have encountered this dilemma with the Chinese, no one's really sure what's going to happen.

But a similar situation's been playing out for almost two decades in Venezuela and what's happened there might help inform how the Chinese will handle their ailing loan portfolios in Africa. Matt Ferchen, head of global China research at the Dutch-based Mercator Institute for China Studies, is one of the world's leading scholars on Sino-South American relations and has closely followed the Chinese debt crisis in Venezuela.

Matt joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the fate of $20+ billion of outstanding Chinese loans to Venezuela and what African stakeholders can take away from this experience.

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Download Matt Ferchen's latest paper: China-Venezuela Relations in the Twenty-First Century: From Overconfidence to Uncertainty from the U.S. Institute of Peace website.

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Last May, Chinese President Xi Jinping announced that Beijing would make any future COVID-19 vaccine available to Africa and other developing regions as a "global public good." He didn't explain, though, what that actually meant. Since that speech to the World Health Assembly, there've been very few details as to how China plans to distribute a C19 vaccine in Africa, how much it will cost and which countries will have to pay for it.

But last week we got our first clue as to what the Chinese may be planning to do. After months of hesitation, Chinese Foreign Ministry spokeswoman Hua Chunyin delivered a surprise announcement last Friday that the government will join the COVID-19 global vaccine alliance known as Covax. This is the same organization that the U.S. has refused to support due to its close relationship with the World Health Organization that Washington recently withdrew from and that it contends is unduly influenced by China.

George Zixiang Zhou closely follows China's vaccine development in his role as policy and advocacy association at the Beijing-based consultancy Bridge Consulting. He joins Eric & Cobus from the Chinese capital to discuss what the Covax decision means for Beijing's COVID-19 vaccine strategy in Africa and why this is such a high-risk, high-reward undertaking.

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Last month, China released its first-ever white paper on its participation in United Nations Peacekeeping Operations (PKOs) around the world. The lengthy document provided an overview of China's 30-year history in contributing to PKOs and featured some new insights on Beijing's ambitions to become an even larger player in the UN's Department of Peace Operations.

As of August, China currently 2,531 soldiers under UN command, the world's ninth largest contributor overall and largest among the five permanent members of the Security Council. Most of those blue helmeted soldiers are now working in Africa, largely in medical, engineering, logistics and various other support roles. However, in recent years, Chinese UN troops have moved to the frontlines in some active conflict zones including South Sudan, Mali and in anti-piracy operations off the coast of Somalia.

The new white paper and China's more robust presence in UN post-conflict stabilization efforts in Africa and elsewhere reflects the heightened importance that Beijing attaches to peacekeeping within its broader foreign policy agenda, according to Hong Kong University Assistant Professor Courtney Fung. She joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the new white paper and the future of Chinese UN peacekeeping efforts.

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Back in 2007, China led an ambitious program to eradicate malaria in the Comoros Islands, a small island nation off the coast of Mozambique in southeastern Africa. And, for the most part, they were successful but it wasn't easy and, not surprisingly, the Chinese medical teams leading the effort encountered a lot of challenges. Experts today are now studying the Chinese program there to see if there are lessons that can be applied to the broader anti-malaria effort on the African mainland.

Malaria continues to be one of the leading causes of death in Africa where the mosquito borne disease claims at least 400,000 lives a year, mostly children under the age of five. Now, amid the COVID-19 outbreak, public health stakeholders are becoming increasingly concerned that the fight against malaria will suffer given how much of the attention and funding have been shifted to combat the ongoing pandemic.

Esther Ajari, founder and director of The TriHealthon, a Nigeria-based youth-led nonprofit that conducts research and promotes health equity in Africa, detailed some of those take aways from the Chinese malaria effort in the Comoros Islands in a recent article that was published on The China Africa Project. She joins Eric & Cobus from her home in Nigeria's southern Delta state to discuss her findings and what lessons can be applied from the fight against malaria to COVID-19.

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The debt crisis in Zambia got a lot worse this week after bondholders refused the government's request for a 6-month repayment delay. Those private creditors said they're frustrated by the government's lack of transparency about the total amount of debt and how much is truly owed to China.

In Angola, investors are equally worried about the government's ability to service its debts given, $20.5 billion to China, given that the state-owned oil company Sonangol revealed that last year it generated no profits since all of the money went to pay for debt servicing costs. If Sonangol can't earn enough money to repay the country's loans, then it's effectively impossible for the country to get out of the financial hole it's in.

Analysts predict that Zambia and Angola are just the first of a number of African countries that are facing either an outright default or an extended period of uncertainty that risks crippling their economies. Mark Bohlund is closely following the unfolding debt crisis as a senior credit research analyst for REDD Intelligence, a risk assessment service for asset managers. He joins Eric & Cobus from London to talk about the pivotal role that private creditors, specifically bondholders, now occupy in this increasingly grave situation.

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Mark Bohlund: LinkedIn | Twitter

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There've been major developments over the past week in the African debt crisis. It appears that Angola and China reached a consensus on how to restructure the estimated $20 billion of loans that Luanda owes Beijing. This deal then paved the way for the IMF to come in with its own financial package for Angola. Meantime, Zambia announced that it will default on three Eurobond notes totaling around $3 billion, prompting an immediate downgrade of its credit rating.

Finally, it appears that Kenya's embattled standard gauge railway (SGR) is reaching a breaking point. Kenya Railways is losing almost ten million dollars a month and it looks increasingly likely that the company will not be able to repay the Chinese creditors who financed and built the SGR.

Yinka Adegoke, Africa editor of the online financial news site Quartz, is closely following the unfolding debt crisis in Africa and China's role in the situation. He joins Eric & Cobus from the Quartz newsroom in New York to discuss the financial crisis and how it's impacting the broader China-Africa relationship.

SHOW NOTES:

Join Yinka and Eric on October 8th from 9:30am-10:30am EST for a free Quartz online conference: "What China's Influence in Africa Means for the Global Economy."

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The presence of China's distant fishing fleet in African waters is increasingly becoming a contentious domestic political issues in a number of countries, particularly in West Africa. At a campaign rally in September, Ghanaian vice presidential candidate Naana Jane Opoku-Agyemang told supporters that if elected this December her administration ban illegal Chinese fishing.

Similarly, the permitting process for Chinese trawlers has evolved into extended political struggles in Senegal, Liberia and Ghana among other countries that are becoming increasingly concerned about the role that China's distant fleet is playing in illegal and unsustainable fishing activities.

While environmentalists, fishing lobbies and politicians have all made their positions on the matter very clear, rarely do we hear a Chinese perspective on the issue. Lulu Ning Hui, a Brussels-based journalist for the Hong Kong news site The Initium, spent time aboard two Chinese fishing trawlers in the South Atlantic off the coast of Argentina. She wrote about her experience in a story published last fall and joins Eric & Cobus to discuss what life is like aboard these controversial vessels.

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On this special 500th episode of the China in Africa Podcast, Eric & Cobus join Kaiser Kuo and Jeremy Goldkorn on the popular Sinica podcast to reflect on the past ten years of China-Africa relations.

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China's importing a lot more African agricultural products these days. Zambian blueberries were recently approved to enter the China market, Namibian beef shipments started this year, Ghanaian cocoa is now traded through a new exchange in Hunan province and, after more than a year of delays, the first shipments of Kenyan avocados to China has arrived.

While enhanced trade ties between the two regions is obviously important, the volume is still way too low to have a meaningful impact on the lives of farmers and millions of others in Africa's agricultural sector.

Furthermore, the worsening economic crisis across the continent only adds to food insecurity that now haunts at least 70 million people across the continent.

Two analysts, one from Kenya and the other from China, have been thinking about what can be done now to address these daunting challenges and how China's agricultural engagement should evolve in the post-COVID-19 era. Duncan Chando, a Nairobi-based international development consultant, and Cathy Cao, a policy and partnerships analyst at the International Fund for Agricultural Development in Beijing, joins Eric & Cobus to discuss their new article that lays out five recommendations for what needs to be done.

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Two-way China-Africa trade fell sharply in the first half of the year to $82 billion, down 20% from the same time last year. Trade between the two regions has been severely disrupted by the COVID-19 pandemic and the ongoing lockdowns.

But now that the Chinese economy is getting back up to speed and a growing number of African countries are re-opening their markets, trade volumes in the second half of the year are widely expected to improve.

But it's not going to be easy warns Walter Ruigu, managing director of CAMAL Group, a Beijing-based shipping and logistics company that does a lot of import/export between China and Africa. Walter joins Eric & Cobus to talk about what he's hearing from his clients about what they want to ship and to where.

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China plays an indispensable role in Africa's burgeoning energy market as a financier and contractor for much of the new electrical capacity across the continent. China's building large new coal plants in Zimbabwe, solar power facilities in Kenya and Zambia and massive hydroelectric dams in Guinea.

While there's no dispute that African countries need the additional electrical capacity and distribution that Chinese stakeholders facilitate, China's presence in the market is quite contentious. There are widespread concerns over debt sustainability, environmental destruction and a general lack of transparency in the deals that the Chinese government and state-owned enterprises do with African countries.

Wei Shen closely follows China's energy activities in Africa as a research fellow at the Institute of Development Studies in Brighton, England. Wei recently published a new paper on Beijing's impact on the African energy sector and joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his findings.

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Since 2008, China has been gradually shifting its oil procurement strategy away from Africa towards producers in the Middle East and Persian Gulf. Today, Angola is the only African country in China's list of top ten suppliers. Security is one reason for the downturn in African oil exports to China. Beijing would much rather bring oil and gas overland from Russia rather than as it currently does through the Straits of Malacca where its sea lanes are vulnerable in the event of a conflict with the United States.

Ultimately, China, like many countries, would like to reduce its dependence on imported energy and rely more on renewable sources like hydroelectric, solar and wind. And in terms of electrification, they're well on their way. Last year, China generated about a quarter of its total output using renewables.

Ye Ruiqi closely follows the Chinese energy market as a Beijing-based climate and energy campaigner for Greenpeace East Asia. Ruiqi joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the country's rapidly evolving energy landscape.

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Just by looking at social media and news coverage in countries like Kenya, Nigeria and South Africa, it would be safe to assume that China-Africa ties are in serious trouble. The prevailing narrative in many countries is one where Africa is increasingly victimized by China through debt, labor abuse and outright discrimination among other problems.

But that's only part of the story.

A different narrative showcases how China's political ties with African governments have never been stronger. The Chinese are providing desperately needed relief to struggling African states through debt relief, COVID-19 supplies and the promise of being among the first to access a C19 vaccine when it's available.

The fact is that significant portions of both these are true, making it very difficult to understand the current state of China-Africa relations.

Hangwei Li, an award-winning journalist and PhD candidate at the University of London, and Johannesburg-based attorney and China-Africa analyst Jacqueline Muna Musiitwa tackled this challenge in a new article published by the Royal United Services Institute for Defence and Security Studies. Hangwei an Jacqueline join Eric and Cobus to discuss the competing agendas that complicate public perceptions of the Chinese in Africa.

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It's been almost five months since a spate of anti-African discrimination erupted in Guangzhou, home to the largest overseas African population in Asia. Back in April, amid mounting fears of a COVID-19 outbreak in the southern Chinese, dozens, possibly hundreds of African residents were evicted from their homes and hotels and forced onto the streets with nowhere to go.

Videos, photos and other accounts of the events filled social media feeds in Africa and sparked widespread outrage that still lingers today.

In July, a group of five Chinese high school students, most from the eastern city of Suzhou near Shanghai, traveled to Guangzhou to find out what, if anything, has changed since April in terms of relations between African residents and the local population.

They recorded their experience for a short-form documentary "Africans in Guangzhou: Misunderstanding, Discrimination and Communication" that they published in August on YouTube and the Chinese video sharing platform Bilibili.

Two of the film's producers, Chen Xingbei and Xiao Kaiyuan who are both rising seniors at the The Overseas Chinese Academy of Chiway Suzhou, join Eric & Cobus to discuss their new film and to share their impressions of the current state of Chinese-African community relations in Guangzhou.

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Today, China is the world's largest official creditor, more twice as large as the World and the International Monetary Fund combined. Nowhere is this more evident than in Africa where Beijing has lent an estimated $143 billion between 2000-2017.

But how China lends money is still poorly understood. Many observers often oversimplify the issue by characterizing it as "Chinese loans" or "Chinese finance." The reality is that the Chinese development finance model is extremely complicated and includes a lot of competing actors who each pursue their own agendas.

Kanyi Lui is a Beijing-based project finance lawyer who's spent almost two decades working in the overseas Chinese development finance sector. He's worked closely with China's powerful policy banks, commercial creditors and in the private capital market as well. Kanyi joins Eric & Cobus to provide some badly-needed background as to who are the key players in this space and how they operate.

SHOW NOTES:

• Chinese financing: how will China restructure zero-interest loans by Kanyi Lui.
• Chinese finance: banking with Chinese lenders by Kanyi Lui

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2020 has been a tough year for China's soft power engagement in Africa. A furious backlash to anti-African discrimination in Guangzhou in April, growing public hostility to Chinese debt and, of course, questions about Chinese accountability for the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic have all presented formidable challenges to Beijing's reputation management on the continent.

While, there's no doubt that China's popularity has taken a hit among large swathes of African civil society, that is not the case among the continent's governing elites where state-to-state remain as strong and stable as ever.

Paul Nantulya, a research associate at the Africa Strategic Studies Center in Washington, D.C., closely follows Chinese soft power trends in Africa. Paul joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the Chinese soft power strategy in Africa and how, in many ways, it's fundamentally different than those of U.S. and European governments.

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Seven months in to the worsening African debt crisis and still there's no prospect for any meaningful relief in sight. The situation grows even more dire by the day as more countries struggle to pay for rising healthcare costs brought on by the COVID019 outbreak while at the same continue to service their loans.

All of the continent's major creditors including China, G20 countries, bondholders, the Paris Club and multilateral lenders like the World Bank and International Monetary Fund all have programs intended to help resolve the situation but none, so far, have done very much to ease the crisis.

Alonso Soto is covering the African debt story for Bloomberg News where he's an Abuja-based correspondent. Alonso joins Eric & Cobus to provide an update on the debt relief situation and insights from his conversations with dozens of sources on what to expect through the end of the year.

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The Chinese take a very different approach to their agricultural development programs in Africa compared to those of traditional donors. Rather a conventional aid model, China instead built dozens of centers in countries across the continent that bring together Chinese technical expertise, private sector partners and government funding to work with mostly small scale farmers.

Isaac Lawther, a PhD student in international relations at the University of Toronto, wrote a research paper that was published in the prestigious academic journal Third World Quarterly that examined the effectiveness of these Chinese agricultural centers in Rwanda and Uganda.

Isaac joins Eric & Cobus to reflect on his findings and provide a critical assessment as to whether China's approach to agricultural assistance in Africa is actually effective.

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African leaders have said repeatedly that they want to stay clear from the escalating conflict between the United States and China. But despite their best efforts, a growing number of African countries are nonetheless being drawn in to disputes over Huawei, COVID-19 and debt relief among other issues.

While most African governments have opted to take a low profile in this burgeoning dispute, Kenya appears to be articulating clear policy positions that push back on both powers. Last week, ICT Minister Joe Mucheru rebuffed U.S. efforts to boycott the Chinese telecom company Huawei. Then, over the week, Health Cabinet Secretary Mutahi Kagwe issued a devastating blow to China's "donation diplomacy" initiative when he confirmed that Kenya had stopped buying Chinese PPE due to poor quality.

But Kenya appears to be the exception in Africa as most other countries have, so far, resisted articulating equallyclear policy positions to frame their ties with the United States and China in this new, more combustible era.

W. Gyude Moore, a former Liberian public works minister and currently a senior policy fellow at the Center for Global Development, and Judd Devermont, the Africa program director at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, have both been writing a lot lately on the new geopolitical landscape. They both join Eric & Cobus from Washington to discuss the current state of U.S.-China-Africa relations.

SHOW NOTES:

JUDD DEVERMONT:

• CSIS Brief: A New U.S. Policy Framework for the African Century
• Podcast: Into Africa
• Twitter: @JDevermont

W. GYUDE MOORE:

• Twitter Thread: Africa's position in the New "Cold War"
• Podcast: NewThink
• Twitter: @gyude_moore

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The Chinese definition of journalism is significantly different than that in most of Africa and for much of the rest of the world. Most importantly, the news media in China is tightly controlled by the communist party and, as such, is not afforded the kind of editorial independence that newspapers, radio and other news outlets enjoy in other countries. 

But beyond the obvious political censorship, the Chinese have a different understanding of journalism’s role in society. Rather than serve in an investigative or adversarial role, the media in China is expected to be solutions oriented in its reporting. The concept, known as “constructive journalism,” is not unique to China as it’s also practiced in some European countries as well but it’s more pervasive there than anywhere else in the world.

Professor Zhang Yanqiu, director of the Africa Communication Research Center at the Communication University of China, is one of China’s foremost scholars in “constructive journalism” and joins Eric & Cobus to discuss whether or not she feels the model is applicable in Africa.

Tom Bayes, a researcher at the Konrad-Adenauer Foundation in Berlin joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his new paper that explores the implications for Europe of China's expanding military role in West Africa.

SHOW NOTES:

• The Mercator Institute for China Studies: China’s growing peace and security role in Africa: Views from West Africa, implications for Europe by Tom Bayes
• CCTV6: Trailer for the new documentary "Blue Defensive Line” (蓝线防线) about China's UN peacekeeping operations in South Sudan

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Last year the Nigerian government announced that it would no longer tolerate rampant illegal mining and would begin enforcement actions to crack down on the practice. To make sure that everyone knew how serious they were, the Federal Government set up special courts just to prosecute illegal mining cases and then the states deployed heavily armed patrols to go into remote areas to apprehend offenders.

Dozens of Chinese nationals were arrested in a number of raids this spring, mostly in southwestern Osun state.

In addition to curtailing illegal mining activities, the Federal Government is also going after Chinese companies that violate environmental regulations. Authorities took action against the Hongao Mining Company that ran a gold mine near the capital Abuja for polluting the local water table.

Officials were tipped off to Hongao's misdeeds from an investigative report produced by Chinedu Asadu, a journalist at the Nigerian online news site The Cable. Chinedu joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the Hongao case and the government's broader efforts to rein in illegal Chinese gold mining.

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Chinese-owned Nigerian tech company OPay started 2020 with $170 million of cash bursting from its pockets but even that much money wasn't enough to save the company from the dramatic economic downturn brought on by the COVID-19 outbreak and new regulations in Lagos that effectively killed its ride-sharing business. Sensing there was no way to quickly revive the OPay's ailing logistics businesses (ride sharing, food delivery, etc...), the company's Beijing-based owner Zhou Yahui restructured the business by shutting down pretty much everything except its still profitable mobile payments unit OPay.

Abubakar Idris, a Lagos-based journalist at the Nigerian tech news website TechCabal, has been following the dramatic events at OPay. He joins Eric & Cobus to share the backstory of what happened at one of Africa's once most-promising tech start-ups and also discusses his view on what's next for Huawei in Africa after the company was effectively banned from two of Europe's largest markets due to intense U.S. pressure.

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The Red Sea is emerging as a key theater of contention in the emerging duel between the United States and China. Both countries have military outposts in the tiny country of Djibouti and expanding geopolitical interests in one of the world's most volatile regions.

Brookings Institution Non-resident Fellow Zach Vertin joins Eric & Cobus this week to discuss his recently published paper on the "Great power rivalry in the Red Sea" and how he thinks U.S. policymakers should respond to the burgeoning political and military challenge from China.

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To many outside observers, Chinese engagement in Africa is often evaluated based on hard metrics like the amount of trade, number of immigrants, investment figures. While those data points are no doubt important, Wake Forest University Assistant Professor Lina Benabdallah argues in her new book that those tangible, hard figures don't the whole story about this complex geopolitical relationship. Instead, she contends that "it is important to start looking at less visible and less material types of investment" to really understand the depth of China's ties on the continent.

Specifically, Professor Benabdallah focuses on how the Chinese spend a lot of time and resources to foster social relations with African counterparts through professional trainings, skills transfer and personal networking. While these factors are all difficult to quantify, she readily admits, there's nonetheless a growing body of evidence that indicates this investment in knowledge sharing is providing Beijing with a distinct competitive advantage in Africa.

Professor Benabdallah joins Eric & Cobus to talk about the findings in her new book, Shaping the Future of Power: Knowledge Production and Network-Building in China-Africa Relations, and why it's so important for stakeholders on all sides "to see beyond what meets the eye" with regards to Chinese engagement on the continent.

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INFORMATION ABOUT LINA BENABDALLAH'S NEW BOOK:

• Purchase on Amazon
• Book summary on LinaBenabdallah.com
• Follow the discussion about topics raised in the book on Twitter via #ShapingtheFutureofPower

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The fourth annual Africa Week event will take place in Beijing from July 20 to July 25. Africa Week is a unique series of seminars, excursions, and film screenings, and it always concludes with a start-up competition for local African entrepreneurs in China.

Normally, this event is entirely local, which means that you have to be in Beijing to participate. But this year, due to the COVID-19 outbreak, organizers have moved some of the activities online, which provides a wonderful opportunity for people everywhere to either take part live via Zoom or watch the discussions online later.

It's important to note that Africa Week is very different from the countless other webinars that now regularly take place. First of all, this one actually takes place in China, which is different from most other conferences. But more importantly, Africa Week is all about young professionals who are mostly from Africa and China, a constituency that is often underrepresented within the broader discourse.

Africa Week organizer Miatta Momoh, co-founder of the Beijing-based social enterprise Kente & Silk, and Nairobi-based technology executive Stephany Zoo, who will be moderating some of the panels, join Eric and Cobus to discuss the upcoming event and why this kind of gathering is so important, especially now.

Show Notes:

• Buy tickets for all of the events and learn more about the different activities.
• Stay up to date with all aspects of black life in Africa via Blacklivity.com and on Twitter at @BlackLivityCN

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The recent arrival of six Chinese super trawlers in Liberia, capable of capturing 12,000 tons of fish -- more than twice the country's sustainable catch -- highlights the growing problem of what to do about the growing presence of China's distant fishing fleet operating off the coast of West Africa.

For years, Chinese trawlers in Ghana, Nigeria and elsewhere in the region have taken advantage of poor governance, corruption and the inability of these governments to enforce fishing regulations. Today, the Chinese vessels largely operate beyond government control, prompting an increasingly serious environmental crisis brought on from over-fishing that also endangers local coastal communities who depend on these waters for their livelihoods.

What, if anything, can be done to rein in China's distant fishing fleet operating off the coast of West Africa?

Two guests join Eric & Cobus this week to explore that question: Mark Godfrey closely follows China's distant fishing fleet as a contributing editor for the industry publication Seafood Source and explains how Chinese government subsidies play a critical role in this crisis. Then, the Executive Director of the Accra-based sustainable fisheries NGO Hen Mpoano, Kofi Agbogah, joins the discussion to talk about how the Chinese fleet benefits from the lack of any meaningful enforcement of Ghana's fishing laws.

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While China's new railways in Africa are generating a lot excitement there's also an equal amount of concern over who will maintain this new infrastructure once Chinese contractors handover the project to local stakeholders. In Nigeria, it's going to be someone like Atolagbe Shakirudeen Olabanji.

Atolagbe just graduated a few weeks ago with an undergraduate degree in civil engineering from Central South University in Changsha, China. He and 45 classmates from Ahmadu Bello University in Nigeria's Kaduna state all received full scholarships from the state-owned China Civil Engineering Construction Corporation (CCECC) to study topics related to railway engineering.

Once their studies are complete (some, including Atolagbe, are going on to pursue master's degrees) and they can safely travel back to Nigeria, these young graduates will start work with CCECC to take over responsibility for the country's new Standard Gauge Railways that are now coming online.

Atolagbe joins Eric & Cobus from Changhsa to discuss what it was like to study in China and also to explain what he hopes to do in the future as a part of a new generation of Nigerian railway engineers.

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The COVID-19 pandemic is having a significant impact on the China-Africa wildlife trade. In response to the outbreak that was first detected at a wet market that sold live animals in Wuhan, the Chinese government has introduced a number of new laws that will significantly restrict the trade of live and endangered animals.

In February, the National People's Congress unveiled new updates to the country's Wildlife Protection Law that will outlaw the sale of certain live animals and bans the consumption of bushmeat. Two months later, the government took action to limit the trade and sale of pangolins by removing pangolin scales from the list of official ingredients approved for use in traditional Chinese medicine and upgraded the endangered animal to Class 1 protected status, the highest level of legal protection available.

Linda Chou closely follows these regulatory changes as a Beijing-based policy adviser for the international wildlife conservation group TRAFFIC. She joins Eric and Cobus this week to discuss the future of the China-Africa wildlife trade and how all of these new Chinese laws will impact illicit animal trafficking.

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China's played a pivotal role in financing a sizable portion of African energy infrastructure in recent years. But now amid the economic crisis brought on by COVID-19 and a sharp downturn in Chinese support for energy projects in Africa and elsewhere around the world, how will the continent build the badly-needed power in the post-pandemic era.

The Executive Director of Botswana's Shumba Energy, Thapelo Mokhathi, joins Eric & Cobus to discuss where he sees the African power market going and the tensions over whether investments should be made in coal or renewable energy.

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It's often widely assumed that Chinese immigrants in Africa prefer to isolate themselves from local communities and generally resist assimilation. That perception, though, is incorrect according to the findings of two leading scholars from Hong Kong, Yan Hairong and Barry Sautman, who've recently completed research that explored Chinese self-segregation in five African countries.

The two professors join Eric & Cobus to discuss their findings and to dispel some of the myths surrounding Chinese immigration in Africa.

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Daisy Kambandu, the country program manager for the Chinese-run Agricultural Technology Demonstration Center (ATDC) in Zambia, joins Eric & Cobus to discuss China's unconventional approach to agricultural assistance. In contrast to most traditional aid programs, ATDCs like the one near Lusaka have a very strong corporate and commercial focus.

And with Zambia's food security now jeopardized by the ongoing COVID-19 crisis, massive flooding in some regions and severe drought in other areas, Daisy explains that agricultural innovation is critically important.

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Agence France-Presse fact-checking journalist Mayowa Tijani joins Eric and Cobus from Lagos to discuss his reporting that debunks fake news, particularly videos and other stories related to the China-Africa relationship. Misleading and downright false information has long been a hallmark of the China-Africa story, but it’s become more prevalent in recent months in response to events like the maltreatment of Africans in Guangzhou.

Tijani explains how he and the team at AFP Fact Check authenticate China-Africa-related stories that are misleading. He also provides some practical, actionable tips for what news consumers can do themselves to verify that the information they’re consuming is accurate.

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FACT CHECKING WEBSITES:

AFP Fact Check: factcheck.afp.com

Africa Check: africacheck.org

Daily Nation Newsplex: nation.co.ke/kenya/newsplex

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Lagos State University political science lecturer Abdul-Gafar Tobi Oshodi joins Eric and Cobus this week to discuss the current state of China-Nigeria relations. After a turbulent past few months following the events in Guangzhou back in April, and now calls from the Nigerian House of Representatives to check the immigration status of every Chinese national and business in the country (plus a separate effort to review every Chinese loan dating back 20 years), it would be safe to assume that diplomatic ties are strained.

But Tobi Oshodi says that beneath the surface, relations between these two countries are far more stable than they may seem.

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University of Pretoria international development law professor Daniel Bradlow joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his proposals for how Africa can better manage the $117 billion it owes to private creditors and what can be done to prevent so-called vulture funds from walking away with excessive profits.

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The Heritage Foundation's senior policy analyst for Africa and the Middle East, Joshua Meservey, joins Eric and Cobus this week to talk about his latest report. It alleges that China is well positioned to spy on Africans thanks to the hundreds of government buildings the Chinese have constructed across the continent in recent years.

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Renaissance Capital's Global Chief Economist Charlie Robertson joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the prospects for debt relief in Africa amid the worsening economic crisis brought on by the COVID-19 epidemic.

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The Zimbabwean government announced last month that construction of the new $3 billion Sengwa coal power plant will proceed after years of negotiation.

The new 2,800-megawatt plant will be a joint effort between Zimbabwe’s Rio Energy and a consortium of Chinese state-owned enterprises led by the Wuhan-based infrastructure contracting giant China Gezhouba Group.

Gezhouba will be the lead contractor and will also be responsible for raising additional capital. Separately, Power China will build a 150-mile-long water pipeline for the plant along with transmission lines. The Industrial and Commercial Bank of China will be involved in financing, and Sinosure is already on board to provide risk insurance.

Officials say everything is lined up and ready to go — this could be good news for electricity-starved Zimbabwe, which currently produces just over half of the 2,200 megawatts that the country needs every day.

So it’s understandable why government leaders see an additional 2,800 megawatts of capacity as something very appealing.

But the problem is that a massive plant like this poses extreme environmental and health risks to a population that is already coping with the consequences of climate change.

“Why should Zimbabwe accept a dirty source of energy, which is the biggest single cause of air pollution with devastating environmental impacts, at a time many countries are closing down coal plants?” asked Landry Ninteretse, African managing director for the climate change activist group 350.org.

Ninteretse is part of a burgeoning activist movement in Zimbabwe that opposes the Sengwa plant and says it plans to target China for its involvement with the project.

Melania Chiponda, coordinator for the Centre for Alternative Development in Harare, and Richard Ncube, the Bertha Justice Fellow at the Zimbabwe Environmental Law Association, are among those working to raise awareness about the potential dangers of building such a large coal plant and who both contend there are other, more sustainable ways for Zimbabwe to close its current energy deficit. Melania and Richard join Eric and Cobus to discuss the politics of energy, China, and the way forward for Zimbabwe in these uncertain times.

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Centre for Alternative Development on Facebook: www.facebook.com/CentreForAlternativeDevelopment/ 

Zimbabwe Environmental Law Association: www.zela.org

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Even though China spends considerably less than the U.S. and Europeans on public health assistance in Africa, Beijing is seemingly dominating the narrative with its high profile donations of food, PPE, and medical missions.

Lidet Tadesse, a policy officer in the Security and Resilience Program at the European Centre for Development Policy Management, an independent think tank in Brussels, said in a recent blog post that the fact the Chinese aren’t just giving money to aid agencies, as is the case with a lot of EU and U.S. assistance, but are instead delivering badly-needed masks and other materials is critical to understand why Chinese aid is being well-received on the continent. Also, she added, the fact that China is perceived to have brought COVID-19 under control while the U.S. and European countries are still struggling to contain the outbreak is another important factor.

But “it’s not all roses and rainbows,” she cautioned in her article. While the Chinese have certainly generated a lot of positive buzz around their COVID-19 aid and relief efforts, big problems loom on the horizon. 

How Beijing proceeds with African debt relief and the ongoing resentment among large swathes of African civil society in the aftermath of what happened in Guangzhou could easily erase the goodwill built up over the few months from all of those donations.

Lidet joins Eric & Cobus to assess the current state of "China’s corona diplomacy” and to explain why she thinks the Chinese approach to COVID-19 relief efforts on the continent are seen as more successful than those from other countries.

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The 450-megawatt Souapiti hydroelectric dam in Guinea is scheduled to begin operating this fall and will bring badly needed electricity to one of Africa’s poorest countries.

The dam is one of dozens of similar hydroelectric power facilities that China is underwriting and constructing across Africa. The Souapiti dam, in particular, is being financed via the China Eximbank as part of Beijing’s Belt & Road Initiative and is being constructed by the state-owned China International Water and Electric Corporation (CWE). When complete, CWE will jointly own and operate the plant together with the Guinean government.

While no one disagrees that Africa needs energy, especially in a country like Guinea, where only a small minority of people have access to reliable electricity, construction of dams like the one at Souapiti do come at a high environmental and human cost.

In order to fill the dam’s reservoir, 16,000 people from 101 villages will have to be displaced, according to a recent report by Human Rights Watch (HRW). Although this kind of dislocation is common with any kind of large-scale economic development, the issue here is whether or not those displaced are losing not just their homes, but also access to land, food, and their livelihoods. Another issue is what responsibility, if any, do Chinese stakeholders have when these kinds of mass displacements take place.

Yaqiu Wang, a China researcher at Human Rights Watch and Jim Wormington, a senior researcher in HRW’s Africa Division who co-wrote the report join us to discuss their findings and what role they contend that the Chinese government, financiers and contractors play when so many people are losing their homes and livelihoods in Guinea.

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Download the full HRW report: “We’re Leaving Everything Behind” The Impact of Guinea’s Souapiti Dam on Displaced Communities (PDF)

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China’s approach to agricultural assistance in Africa differs markedly from those of other donors from Japan, Europe and the United States. While other countries frame their development programs under the larger of “aid,” the Chinese instead go out of their way to insist that what they’re doing in the African agricultural space focuses on technology-oriented market-based solutions. 

In fact, back in 2006 at one of the first Forum on China Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) summits, when former President Hu Jintao unveiled Beijing’s new agricultural initiative in Africa right up front he said it was part of China’s “Eight Non-Aid Measures.”

It took a few years after that FOCAC Summit for China’s agriculture programs in Africa to take shape but by 2008-2009 the first Agricultural Technology Demonstration Centers, or ATDCs, started to materialize.

Today there are 14 ATDCs across Africa with 11 more in development.

Whereas much of Chinese engagement in Africa is state-led, the ATDCs are actually quite different in that respect given that private companies play a very important. This is, in essence, a public- private partnership.

The idea here is that the Chinese government provides the financial backing, builds the facilities and manages relations with the host government while Chinese companies engage local stakeholders to deliver training programs, assist with business models and develop partnerships local farmers that hopefully become financially sustainable.

That’s the plan. But does it work?

Celso Tamele says even though it’s hard to measure, there are a lot of merits to the commercial-focus of China’s agricultural development strategy in Africa. Celso is a Maputo-based Program Director at the international non-profit TechnoServe who helps run the ATDC in Mozambique.

He joins Eric and Cobus to discuss his experience at an ATDC and whether China’s approach is more or less effective than those of other donor countries.

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Perceptions over what led to the crisis in Guangzhou back in early April remain starkly divided among Chinese and African stakeholders. Chinese officials vehemently deny that Africans were specifically targeted for additional health COVID-19 health screenings (“epidemic prevention” in the Chinese parlance), forcibly evicted from their residences and subject to discrimination. Authorities insist that foreigners, including Africans, are treated just like everyone else and what happened in Guangzhou was the result of “misunderstanding” as part of a broader effort to contain the spread of the deadly virus in the southern Chinese city.

For the most part, Chinese public opinion seems to agree with the government’s explanation of the situation.

But among Africans, many in China and especially across the continent, they see things very differently. 

There’s widespread disbelief about how Chinese authorities can claim that there’s no racism or discrimination in Guangzhou when their social media feeds are filled with videos, photos and countless accounts of the mistreatment of Africans in China. Signs on restaurants, including McDonald’s that explicitly deny entry to black people or videos of African residents being told they have to leave their apartments or hotels cannot simply be dismissed, in their view, by claiming it’s due to a simple misunderstanding.

And those initial images of Africans sleeping on the streets of Guangzhou were very painful to a lot of people and left the impression that what happened there violated a basic sense of dignity and respect.

For many Africans and other observers, what they saw in their social media feeds and on the news was “textbook" discrimination.

So, here we are now where both sides are increasingly talking past one another while each side’s position becomes more polarized.

In this week’s double-edition of the podcast, we attempt to push past the top-line narrative about the Guangzhou crisis and the widening chasm in the China-Africa civil society relationship. First we speak with popular Ghanian vlogger Wode Maya about why this crisis has made him so angry about China’s treatment of Africans and the way that Chinese officials have gone about trying to explain it. Then, we turn to one of China’s leading public opinion experts, Ma Tianjie, founder and editor of the Chublic Opinion blog, to better understand how China perceives immigrant communities like those in Guangzhou and how the government’s actions there are seen by the larger society.

It should go without saying that both Wode Maya and Ma Tianjie don’t represent either Africa or China. No. These are just two individuals' perspectives who we hope will help add a bit of texture and nuance that is lacking in so much of the current conversation about this contentious issue.

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YouTube: youtube.com/user/MrGhanaBaby

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Economic conditions in a number of African countries are worsening by the day. Lockdowns and a plummet in global commodity prices brought on by the COVID-19 pandemic have led to severe economic repercussions across the continent.

At the same, Africa’s estimated $400 billion of debt is weighing on policymakers’ ability to devote more resources to combatting the worsening public health crisis in their countries. 

The Beijing-based consultancy Development Reimagined reports that African governments have already budgeted close to $38 billion to contain the outbreak. And with so much money now allocated for emergency health initiatives that means there are fewer funds available to repay outstanding debts.

African leaders, namely Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed, have been very clear that they won’t be able to pay for both at the same time. 

Urgent debt relief is absolutely critical in order to prevent what’s already a devastating crisis from becoming even worse.

The first calls for debt relief came in March ahead of the G20 Summit and since then have been building momentum. Vera Songwe, Executive Secretary of the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa, is at the center of many of the negotiations between African governments and international creditors to quickly find a way to give policymakers some financial breathing room.

Vera joins Eric & Cobus from her office in Addis Ababa to provide an update on the status of those talks and to discuss why it’s so important for the continent to approach this issue with a single, unified voice.

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For much of the past two decades, China’s engagement in Africa has been steady, rather predictable and largely uneventful. That is, until this year.

The China-Africa relationship is facing an unprecedented mix of challenges today across a wide range of issues including the burgeoning COVID-19 pandemic on the continent to the crisis in Guangzhou to how Beijing will respond to Africa’s calls for debt relief.

Given how quickly events on the ground are changing, it’s really too early to tell how all of this will impact the future course of ties between these two regions.

For some perspective on the Chinese outlook on the current state of Sino-African ties, China’s former ambassador to Sierra Leone and the African Union, Kuang Weilin, joins Eric and Cobus from Shanghai for a wide-ranging discussion on all the key issues confronting policymakers.

Less than one week after alarming videos, photos, and accounts of African migrants being forced out of their homes and hotels in the southern China city of Guangzhou, the story has been “sorted out” in the eyes of many African leaders. 

Femi Gbajabiamila, Speaker of Nigeria’s House of Representatives, declared as much this week in a Twitter post after meeting with Chinese Ambassador Zhōu Píngjiàn 周平剑. Similarly, Nigerian Foreign Minister Geoffrey Onyeama convened a press conference earlier this week, also with Ambassador Zhou, to explain that he was satisfied with the Chinese government’s explanation over what happened.

The African Union and a number of African politicians across the continent echoed similar sentiments: As far as they are concerned, the issue over the purported maltreatment of African migrants in Guangzhou is now settled. 

So what did we learn from this unprecedented crisis that touched so many raw nerves in the China-Africa relationship? There were conflicting narratives based in part on the fact that the Chinese do not consume the same social media diet as the rest of the world. And the Chinese declared repeatedly that contrary to what people saw on Facebook or heard in the media, there is no discrimination in Guangzhou or anywhere in China.

Hannah Ryder was watching all of this unfold from Beijing, where she’s the CEO of the consultancy Development Reimagined and a longtime commentator on China-Africa issues. Hannah joins Eric and Cobus to reflect on the events of the past week and what lessons, if any, were learned from this whole affair.

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Development Reimagined’s COVID-19 Infographic: How are African countries dealing with COVID-19’s economic impact?

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The widespread evictions and mistreatment of African migrants in the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou has caused a serious rupture in China-Africa relations. Chinese ambassadors across Africa have been called in to various foreign ministries to explain why so many of their nationals in Guangzhou have been visibly mistreated by authorities and rendered homeless by the evictions from their homes and hotels.

The Chinese government is beginning to mobilize a response that depicts the well-documented evictions and mistreatment as "rumors" according to an article published in the Global Times newspaper. Similarly, the government is blaming western media, namely CNN, AFP and Reuters, for "alleging that Africans are being badly treated."

The situation is rapidly escalating into an unprecedented crisis in China-Africa relations that risks causing serious damage to Beijing's relations with governments across the continent.

Roberto Castillo, an assistant professor at Lingnan University in Hong Kong, is one of the world's foremost scholars on the African diaspora in China where he's done extensive research on the African population in Guangzhou in particular. He joins Eric to share his initial reactions to what's going on in southern China and what he thinks it will take for Beijing to resolve the crisis.

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With economic conditions across Africa rapidly deteriorating, leaders across the continent are escalating their calls for the international community to provide emergency debt relief. Until this week, though, those appeals have been broadly targeted, not singling out any particular country or creditor. 

But that changed on Monday when Ghanaian Finance Minister Ken Ofori-Atta specifically named China. “African debt to China is $145 billion or so, over $8 billion of payments is required this year,” he said during an online video discussion with the Washington, D.C.–based Center for Global Development. “So that needs to be looked at,” he added.

The following day, Ofori-Atta’s comments were raised at the Chinese Foreign Ministry’s regular press briefing in Beijing, where spokesman Zhao Lijian said discussions are now underway with African governments.

So now the more pressing question is what will Chinese debt relief in Africa look like? Anti-debt campaigners like the Jubilee Debt Campaign and certainly some African governments are advocating for Beijing to cancel the debt in Africa. Experts, though, say if China’s past record is anything to go by, then that is highly unlikely.

Agatha Kratz, associate director at the New York–based independent research firm Rhodium Group, and her colleague Matthew Mingey, a research analyst there, closely follow Chinese lending practices around the world, including in Africa. Both are confident that China will likely enact some form of debt relief for the continent, but, like everyone else, they are unclear as to how far the Chinese plan to go.

Agatha and Matthew join Eric and Cobus to discuss the debt crisis in Africa and possible scenarios for how the Chinese may respond.

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Fake news and all sorts of misleading information about the COVID-19 pandemic are now rampant on African social media. Reports that Bill Gates wants to test a new vaccine on African people or that the surgical masks donated by Chinese billionaire Jack Ma are infected with COVID-19 are now seemingly everywhere, leaving individuals confused about which sources of information are trustworthy, and which are not. 

The Chinese-owned African pay-TV giant StarTimes sees an opportunity amidst this burgeoning information chaos to position itself as a trusted source of news and information about the virus. The company has moved quickly over the past several weeks to launch a variety of new initiatives connected with the ongoing health crisis. 

The company now offers educational programming in Uganda and Kenya targeted at students who can no longer attend school due to the lockdowns. Similarly, the company launched a new edutainment program called Mindset Learn on its popular ST Kids channel. It has also added new health features on its mobile app that allow users who are not feeling well to determine if they may in fact have COVID-19. Most importantly, it has created a new daily news update, broadcast in multiple languages, which focuses entirely on COVID-19.

This signals an important change for the company’s strategy. Until now, Star Times only carried other channels, such as the BBC and France 24, rather than produce its own editorial programming. And with access to more than 30 million homes in 37 different countries, it has a huge platform and more direct access to African consumers than any other Chinese company.

Dani Madrid-Morales, an assistant professor at the Jack J. Valenti School of Journalism at the University of Houston, is among a handful of scholars around the world who research StarTimes and is carefully monitoring the company’s rapidly evolving corporate strategy in this new COVID-19 era.

Dani joins Eric and Cobus to talk about the company’s new COVID-19-focused programming and the potential risk that this news program may get sucked into the bitter dispute between China and the rest of the world over accountability for the COVID-19 outbreak.

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China famously lent billions of dollars to countries across Africa to build expensive, new railways. Nigeria, Ethiopia, Djibouti and Kenya all used loans from Beijing to build new lines using a standard gauge (SGR) that will one day make it possible for these various railways to interconnect with one another.

While a number of African countries are still eager to build out railways, it appears that the days of easy access to Chinese financing are coming to an end. Chinese policy banks like the China Exim Bank and the China Development Bank are becoming increasingly reluctant to lend money for African rail projects. Over the past year, these banks have refused to finance part of Kenya’s SGR, Uganda’s new SGR and Tanzania’s hugely ambitious plans to become a rail hub in East Africa.

And all of this happened before the economic crisis in Africa brought on by the COVID-19 outbreak. If it was tough before COVID-19, then it’s no doubt going to be even more difficult now for African policymakers to persuade China’s development bankers that railways are a good investment.

At this point, it’s still too early to tell if the massive investments in African rail are going to pay off, either directly through increased passenger and cargo traffic, or indirectly by enhanced economic activity that the railway facilitate. Ethiopia, though, presents an interesting case study, according to Yunnan Chen, a senior research officer at the Overseas Development Institute in London.

Chen conducted in-depth research on China’s role in developing Ethiopia’s rail network for his dissertation. She spent several months doing fieldwork and interview dozens of stakeholders to carefully examine the strengths and shortcomings of China’s railway development model in Africa.

Yunnan joins Eric and Cobus to discuss her findings and to look ahead at what impact COVID-19 will have on the future of Chinese railway development on the continent.

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Read Yunnan Chen’s recent article: Railpolitik: the strengths and pitfalls of Chinese-financed African Railways

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There are growing calls for international lenders to cancel or at least reschedule significant portions of Africa’s debt as economies one after across the continent another sink into recession as a result of the worsening COVID-19 outbreak. Earlier this month, Ethiopian Prime Minister sounded the alarm when he called on international lenders to forgive African debt. He later received support from Senegalese President Macky Sall, South African President Cyril Ramaphosa and even major creditors including the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund.

What’s interesting though is that neither Prime Minister Abiy nor any of his counterparts directly addressed the Chinese in their appeals. Considering that China owns 20% of the debt in Africa and is the largest bilateral creditor in a number of the continent’s major economies, Beijing’s plays a disproportionately important role in this discussion.

China’s outsized role in the African debt issue highlights the fact that this is now a much more complicated issue than it was back in the day when it was just a small group of Western lenders, known as the Paris Club, that could make these decisions on their own. Today, Africans have borrowed extensively from private capital markets, the Chinese and others making it far more difficult for a small group of U.S. and European leaders to decide what to do on their own.

Tim Jones is following the African debt relief issue closely in his role as the Head of Policy for the Jubilee Debt Campaign, a London-based NGO that advocates for debt relief and fair lending practices in developing countries. He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the complexities involved in the current debt relief debate in Africa amid the ongoing COVID-19 pandemic.

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“African economies are staring at an abyss,” said Ethiopian Prime Minister Abiy Ahmed earlier this week in a desperate appeal to the international community for aid and debt relief to offset the ruinous effects of the COVID-19 outbreak.

The economic crisis brought on by the COVID-19 is disproportionately impacting African countries where even under normal circumstances often struggle to provide basic services. The emergence of this latest pandemic on the continent comes as African governments were already struggling with the effects of climate change, locusts and a variety of other infectious diseases ranging from Lassa fever to malaria. 

Although the situation today looks grim, the head of the Africa Futures and Innovations program at the Institute for Security Studies in Pretoria, Jakkie Cilliers, contends that, COVID-19 aside, a number of key global trends are actually lining up in Africa’s favor.

In his new book, Africa First!: Igniting a Growth Revolution, Jakkie provides a detailed forecast for the next twenty years on how trends in manufacturing, climate change and technology will shape the continent. It’s important to note, though, that his book is not one of those feel good “Africa Rising” narratives that’s been so popular over the past 5-10 years. Jakkie doesn’t have any simple answers to what will be at times a long, difficult journey for a rapidly growing continent.

He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss what he sees ahead for Africa and whether the burgeoning COVID-19 crisis challenges any of the assumptions that underlie his forecast.

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Amazon Kindle Edition: Africa First!: Igniting a Growth Revolution

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China’s most outspoken ambassador in Africa, Lin Songtian, abruptly left his post in South Africa yesterday, just a few days after news had broken that he had been ordered back to China.

Lin published a farewell letter on Monday in the South African newspaper Independent, in which he reflected on his two and a half years in Pretoria but didn’t share what he will be doing next. All he said was that he "will assume a new post for a new chapter."

It’s still not entirely clear if Lin had been recalled under duress or if he is being reassigned to a new, higher-profile position within the China Foreign Ministry. 

Word first emerged late last week that Lin would soon be leaving. Journalist Peter Fabricius broke the story on the Daily Maverick website late Thursday and a second story came out the following day on News24.com, written by Carien du Plessis.

Carien joins Eric and Cobus to discuss Lin’s controversial legacy in South Africa and what might be next for one of China’s most brash, charismatic diplomats.

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Just as the rest of world struggles to contain the highly-infectious COVID-19, China is now starting to emerge from its own battle with this deadly virus. Slowly, people are being allowed out of their homes and even returning to work. But not everyone.

In Wuhan, the epicenter of the COVID-19 outbreak, residents are entering their third month of forced confinement in their homes. And even though some now see the proverbial light at the end of the tunnel, it’s nonetheless been a difficult ordeal for everyone, especially for the thousands of African students who were unable to leave.

Although there’s no precise number, it’s widely believe there are around 4,600 African students in Wuhan, many of who have struggled mightily over the past few months dealing with fear of being infected, the loneliness that comes forced isolation and just being a foreigner in a country far away from friends and family.

Their ordeal and calls for their evacuation have been widely covered in the African media but now with the crisis ebbing in China and escalating back home, it seems increasingly improbable that they will be repatriated by their governments. Instead, they’re just going to have to ride out the remainder of the quarantine period in the hope that the virus truly has retreated in China.

One would think that this difficult experience might have tainted how these students view China given all they’ve had to endure. But Michael Addaney, a doctoral researcher at the Wuhan University School of Law and Vice President of the local chapter of the Ghanaian Students Association, said, actually, it’s the other way around. He’s been impressed with how the Chinese have handled the crisis while at the same time felt abandoned by his own people back home, many of which were fearful of him and the other 82,000 African students returning to Africa potentially infected with the virus.

This left Michael and his peers with a sense they’ve been abandoned by their own people.

Michael joins Eric & Cobus from Wuhan to talk about his experience living under quarantine in the epicenter and what day-to-day life has been like for him and so many other African students there.

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Over the past 15 years, many African countries borrowed tens of billions of dollars from China to build badly-needed infrastructure. Short of cash, these countries instead leverage their natural resources to repay their debts. Ghanaian bauxite, Angolan oil and Zambian copper, for example, were used to generate the revenue to service these loans.

“While these loans have often provided much-needed infrastructure, such as roads and hydro-dams, in many cases they have led to crippling levels of debt and the risk of losing collateral that is itself worth more than the value of the loan,” said David Mihalyi, a senior economic analyst at the Natural Resource Governance Institute and co-author of a new report on the risks of commodity-backed loans in Africa and Latin America.

David and NRGI Guinea Country Manager Hervé Lado join Eric & Cobus this week to discuss their new report and what governments need to do to better manage the current high levels of risk.

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Amid the worsening COVID-19 epidemic, China’s Belt and Road Initiative is facing its single greatest challenge since President Xi Jinping launch the BRI in 2013 when he promised countries around the world greater access to Chinese markets and capital. That interconnectedness was once widely regarded in Africa and elsewhere as a huge opportunity, but now as store shelves in Nairobi run bare, oil piles up on the docks at the Port of Luanda, and BRI-inspired construction projects across the continent have stalled, that dependence on China is seen as a potentially dangerous liability.

While stakeholders in countries throughout Africa, MENA and the Gulf regions are starting to call for a re-evaluation of their dependence on Chinese trade and financing, those questions may, in fact, be academic in the end because the reality is that there may not be a comparable alternative to China. The U.S., Japan and the EU remain difficult markets for developing countries to penetrate and none of these advanced economies are spending the kind of money on infrastructure development that Beijing is as part of the BRI.

So what’s next for China’s BRI in Africa, the Mideast and Mediterranean regions? Zayed University political science professor Jonathan Fulton closely follows the BRI from Abu Dhabi and is cautiously optimistic that once the COVID-19 outbreak stabilizes, China’s BRI partners in these various regions will go back to business as usual because, well, they have to.

Johnathan joins Eric & Cobus to talk about what impact he forecasts that COVID-19 will have on China’s once ambitious global trading agenda.

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One of the most prominent themes to emerge from all those Africa summits that take place around the world is the importance of replacing traditional aid programs with new private-sector-led trade and investment initiatives, specifically public-private partnerships (PPPs).

The Japanese said they want to do it, so do the French, British, Japanese and, most of all, the United States. Part of their motivation is to use PPPs as a way to differentiate their approach in Africa against China’s state-led development model. The problem with that thinking, though, is that it overlooks the fact that the Chinese are also starting to build new PPPs in Africa as well.

The Chinese, admittedly, are new at this in Africa and really don’t have a lot of experience doing these multi-stakeholder partnerships elsewhere in the world either. So, they’re basically starting from scratch which often means there’s a very steep learning curve.

Xinqing Lu, an Associate Program Officer at the Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa, experienced that firsthand as one of the partners in a Chinese-led PPP in the Mozambican rice sector. She shared some of the key learnings from that experience in an essay published recently on the China Africa Project and joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the obstacles the different parties encountered and how they overcame those challenges to build a successful program.

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The tiny landlocked kingdom of Eswatini, formerly known as Swaziland, is now the last country in Africa to maintain diplomatic relations with Taiwan. This is a very big sticking point for the Chinese who are adamant about isolating Taiwan in Africa and elsewhere around the world.

The Taiwan issue remains highly contentious and among Beijing's so-called "red line issues" that are among its most sensitive and important in its overall foreign policy agenda. Although not an independent country, Taiwan is nonetheless a thriving democracy that still retains diplomatic ties with 15 countries around the world. China, for its part, asserts that Taiwan is a renegade province that is inseparable from the Mainland. The Taiwan-China divide remains among the most contentious geopolitical issues in Asia and considered to be among Beijing's highest foreign policy priorities.

South Africa was the last major African country to switch its diplomatic allegiance from Taipei to Beijing back in 1994. Since then, the Chinese managed to use the promise of lucrative investment contracts and massive infrastructure spending to lure the last remaining states over to its side, that is, except one.

Now it appears that the Chinese government is running out of patience with Eswatini and is turning up the pressure on the kingdom. Last month, Chinese Ambassador to South Africa, Lin Songtian, published a sharply worded statement that clearly spelled out the consequences of Eswatini's intransigence.

"No diplomatic relations, no business benefits," said Ambassador Lin's statement that concluded with a veiled threat to the kingdom's plans to host an African Union summit later this year: "It is very hard for the friendly African countries of China to attend any AU summit hosted by a country refusing to recognize One China Principle and maintaining so-called “diplomatic ties” with Taiwan."

The issue gained international notoriety soon after that statement was published when the South African newspaper Daily Maverick published a story by freelance journalist Carien du Plessis about the Chinese embassy's efforts to pressure the Eswatini government. Similarly, the story is also being covered in Eswatini by Nation magazine editor Bheki Makhubu who interviewed Ambassador Lin recently about his statement.

Both journalists join Eric & Cobus to discuss Eswatini's foreign policy and why the kingdom is seemingly adamant about its diplomatic ties with Taiwan.

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China's media influence in Africa is rapidly expanding. Traditional media like CGTN, China Radio International and the China Daily newspaper all have a robust presence on the continent while news content from Xinhua is now increasingly common on African news sites.

There's been a lot of analysis by both journalists and scholars over the past year about the implications of Beijing's increasingly ambitious media strategy on the continent. Although experts including Aubrey Hruby, Merriden Varrall and Sarah Cook have all written extensively on the issue, mostly on the broad macro trends, most of these reports lack the first-person insights from Chinese journalists actually who report on Africa for Chinese media outlets.

Shen Shiwei is a Beijing-based international journalist who spent years working on the continent before returning to China where he's now a regular commentator on African affairs for various Chinese TV, newspaper, and radio outlets. 

In addition to working as an International News Editor at CGTN, Shiwei is also a columnist for the Global Times newspaper and a Research Fellow at the Institute for African Studies at Zhejiang Normal University.

Shiwei joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his approach to reporting the China-Africa story and why the Chinese news narrative about Africa is so different from that in the United States and Europe. 

It's important to note that Shiwei's comments on the show are only his personal views and do not represent those of CGTN or any of the organizations that he's currently affiliated with.

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China's crude imports from Saudi Arabia surged last year by 47% highlighting the Kingdom's growing importance to Beijing as a key oil supplier. This should also be concerning for Africa because the Chinese no longer feel as dependent on the continent for strategic raw materials as they did even just a few years ago.

And as the Chinese expand their economic and political influence deeper into the Middle East, the Persian Gulf and Mediterranean regions, they're being welcomed in every capital.

It's somewhat surprising, though, that the Chinese aren't encountering more resistance, especially since they're coming to these politically combustible regions with their own set of complex issues. But apparently it doesn't seem to bother anyone that the Chinese do business with both the Iranians and the Israelis, or the Qataris and the Saudis and have launched a massive campaign against Uighur Muslims where more than a million people are now forcibly detained in internment facilities. 

In fact, quite the opposite. Earlier this year, visiting Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi brought Beijing's messaging about Xinjiang to Cairo, the heart of the proverbial "Arab Street," and was warmly embraced by President Abdel Fattah el-Sisi.

For some perspective on the growing Chinese presence in MENA, the Persian Gulf and the Mediterranean, we're joined this week by two leading scholars who closely these geopolitical trends in those regions:

Andrea Ghiselli is a researcher at the School of International Relations and Public Affairs of Fudan University in Shanghai and also the ChinaMed Project that covers Chinese engagement in the Mediterranean. 

Mohammed Turki Al-Sudairi is the Head of the Asian Studies Unit at the King Faisal Center for Research and Islamic Studies and is also currently a Researcher at the Hong Kong Institute for Humanities and Social Sciences at the University of Hong Kong.

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@MohammedSudairi

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The Chinese economy is undergoing unprecedented economic disruption due to the ongoing COVID-19 crisis and African countries are largely unprepared for the impact that it's going to have on their economies. The prices of most major commodities oil, timber, copper that sustain many African economies are all down significantly as Chinese demand has plummeted in recent weeks. And with the outbreak still not under control, there's no indication things are going to improve any time soon.

While the drop in trade with China due to the contagion is now being felt in many African economic sectors, the fact is that a lot of the changes that are now taking place in China-Africa trade were already well-underway even before this health crisis emerged. 

China simply doesn't manufacture anywhere near as much as it did 5 or 10 years ago as the economy has become more focused on technology and services. A growing amount of that industrial output that defined China's early stage of economic development has been offshored to lesser developed countries in Southeast Asia and elsewhere.

But the problem in Africa is that policymakers across the continent still think of China as a place to sell raw materials, buy the finished goods and then tap Chinese credit for affordable development financing. All three of those categories are no longer as relevant as they were in the past, but that message doesn't seem to be getting through to decision-makers in most African capitals.

"I don't think African [leaders] are particularly well-prepared for what is a fundamental change in the way China's economy attaches itself to the rest of the world," said Jeremy Stevens, Standard Bank Group's Chief China Economist. "There's a widespread "lack of understanding [in Africa] as to what's really driving China's economy," he added.

Jeremy joins Eric & Cobus to talk about how the Novel Coronavirus outbreak is impacting the Chinese economy and why these changes present enormous risks for African economic stability.

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Tensions between the United States and China have deteriorated significantly in recent years amid bitter disputes over trade, technology, and geopolitical competition around the world. Other countries are increasingly being drawn into this rivalry and either directly or indirectly forced to choose a side.

But in Africa, there's growing resistance to the idea that countries have to be aligned with either the U.S. or China. 

Kenyan President Uhuru Kenyatta addressed the issue during a recent visit to Washington, D.C., where he warned larger powers that Africa will not be anyone's prize to win in a new great power rivalry.

"Western countries, and their counterparts in Asia and the Middle East, are returned to competition over Africa, in some cases weaponizing divisions, pursuing proxy actions, and behaving like Africa is for the taking.

"Well, I want to tell you it is not," he said at the Atlantic Council think tank.

President Kenyatta's sentiments are shared across the continent, particularly in West African countries like Nigeria, Ghana, and Liberia, which all have deep historical ties with the United States but are also now important destinations for Chinese investment and infrastructure development.

But no other country in Africa is as important today as Nigeria. With the continent's largest economy and largest population, Nigeria has a burgeoning domestic market that is attracting record amounts of U.S. and Chinese investment — especially in the country's booming tech sector.

So Nigeria has a lot at stake in balancing ties with both the United States and China, but doing so is not always easy. And this balancing is part of what Tolu Ogunlesi does as a special assistant to President Muhammadu Buhari for digital and new media issues. Tolu is also an accomplished journalist and influential international affairs commentator with more than half a million followers on Twitter.

Tolu joins Eric and Cobus to discuss the delicate balancing act that Nigeria and other African countries are having to do to maximize their countries' national interests with both the U.S. and China.

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So far, Africa has not seen an outbreak of the deadly COVID-19 that has killed more than a thousand people in China and infected tens of thousands across the country. But now, more and more, the impact from a contagion half a world away is causing economic distress in a growing number of African countries.

With most Chinese factories idled, demand for raw materials used for industrial production has plummeted. Similarly, with most flights between the two regions canceled, African farmers have to find other ways to get their perishable goods to China. And the supply chains for everything from cell phones to cement along with countless other products that Africans import from China have all been disrupted.

A lot of businesses, in both China and Africa, are wondering what's going to happen and what it will take to get trade moving again.

Walter Ruigu is fielding those same questions every day from his office in Beijing where his clients in half a dozen African countries are eagerly trying to get their orders out of China.

Walter is the Managing Director of the global trading firm CAMAL Group and joins Eric to discuss how the burgeoning COVID-19 crisis is impacting China-Africa trade and why he's optimistic that goods and trade will start to move again within the next 1-2 weeks.

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The United States regards Africa as a key arena to confront China's rising influence in the developing world. With its new $60 billion International Development Finance Corporation and its Prosper Africa policy framework unveiled last year, the Trump administration is working hard to present African governments with an alternative development model. The problem is, U.S. officials, at least so far, don't have a lot to show for their efforts.

This week, Eric & Cobus explore the complex U.S.-China-Africa relationship with two of Washington's leading experts on the issue. W. Gyude Moore is a Visiting Fellow at the Center for Global Development and the former Public Works Minister of Liberia and Aubrey Hruby is a Senior Fellow at the Africa Center at the Atlantic Council.

In addition to their roles at their respective prestigious Washington, D.C.-based think tanks, Aubrey and Gyude also together host the NewThink podcast, a monthly discussion that “explores radical ideas for job creation and economic development in African markets.”

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While the deadly Novel Coronavirus rips through China devouring hundreds of victims and infecting tens of thousands, Africa, so far, has had the good fortune to not have a single confirmed case. Experts, though, are not confident that Africa will remain immune for much longer as the virus moves steadily around the world.

African countries across the continent, with support from the World Health Organization, have rapidly mobilized frontline defenses at major ports of entry and in hospitals in a bid to detect anyone who displays symptoms of this highly-contagious virus. 

Major transportation hubs like those in Addis Ababa and Nairobi are especially important as they are the continent's two major crossroads in the Asia-Africa corridor with thousands of people transiting through their airports daily.

In Kenya, there are real reasons to be concerned that both the government and the society at large "are not treating the issue with the seriousness it requires," said Elizabeth Merab, the Daily Nation's science and health reporter who is covering the coronavirus story in Nairobi. "Should there be a case in Kenya, the continent out to worry," she warned.

Elizabeth joins Eric & Cobus this week to explain why she's so concerned about the lack of preparedness in Kenya for the arrival of Novel Coronavirus and what's at stake for the rest of the continent.

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The Chinese government is becoming increasingly sophisticated in its use of media in Africa to get its message out to a wide variety of audiences across the continent. The most visible examples of this trend are the growing availability of Beijing's legacy propaganda outlets that includes the Nairobi-based TV network CGTN, the China Daily newspaper, and China Radio International. 

But it's online where China has dramatically expanded its reach by giving away its state-owned Xinhua news service to dozens of African media outlets who use its content as an alternative to other, fee-based news agencies like Reuters and the Associated Press. In many instances, African news consumers are not even aware that they are reading Chinese government-produced news as articles the content often masquerades as if it was written by local journalists.

What's happening in Africa is part of a much broader global trend, according to Sarah Cook, a senior research analyst at the human rights NGO Freedom House. Earlier this month, she published an extensive report that details the expansion of Chinese media influence around the world since 2017.

Sarah joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the findings in her new report and why both African and international governments should be concerned about this trend.

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Download the Freedom House report: Beijing's Global Megaphone: The Expansion of Chinese Communist Party Media Influence since 2017

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China, according to the prevailing "debt trap" narrative, is preying on vulnerable developing countries by loading them up with unsustainable amounts of debt that jeopardizes their sovereignty. When these countries inevitably default on the loans, according to the theory, China will then seize strategic assets as collateral.

Although the Chinese predatory lending idea is widely-held in U.S. and European policymaking circles, it has been thoroughly debunked by scholars and analysts around the world. There just isn't any evidence to back it up.

But the bigger problem isn't even the fact that it's not true, say a growing number of African scholars, but how paternalistic it is towards African stakeholders who are negotiating these infrastructure financing deals with the Chinese. The "debt trap" theory implies that Ethiopian, Kenyan, Ghanaian and others are either ignorant, naive or both when dealing with the Chinese.

Zimbabwe-native and Open University scholar Frangton Chiyemura interviewed more than a hundred stakeholders involved in the 2016 building of Africa's largest wind-farm electric power project in Ethiopia.

He concluded that Africans, Ethiopians in this case, do in fact have quite a bit of leverage in their negotiations with the Chinese to finance and build infrastructure. Contrary to the underlying message contained within the debt trap theory, Frangton found that African negotiators are not at all ignorant about the consequences of taking on debt to build infrastructure and do in fact have quite a bit of agency in the process.

Frangton joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his research in Ethiopia and how much leverage do African negotiators have in their dealings with China's infrastructure financiers.

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China's role in the African tech market is rapidly evolving away from just being a source of low-cost electronics to becoming the indispensable player in the continent's rapidly developing market for digital services, networking equipment and venture capital financing.

But the good also comes with the bad. Although Chinese companies like Transsion, Boomplay, Huawei and many others are launching one exciting product after another, these same firms are also taking advantage of Africa's weak digital governance. Sensitive issues over data rights, online surveillance and digital privacy are largely ignored in most African countries.

This week, Eric & Cobus speak with Stephany Zoo, founder of the Nairobi-based China-Africa Tech Initiative and head of marketing and communications at AZA Finance, a currency trading firm located in Kenya, about what to expect in the China-Africa tech sector in 2020.

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Chinese Foreign Minister Wang Yi kicked off his annual tour of Africa in Cairo this week where he met with senior Egyptian leaders to discuss the growing instability in North Africa, the Mideast, and the Persian Gulf. Wang also found a receptive audience in Egypt for China's controversial policies in its far western province of Xinjiang where hundreds of thousands, possibly even millions of Chinese, are being "re-educated" (the Chinese version of events) or forcibly interned (the Western assessment). Beyond geopolitics, China also has a lot at stake economically in these regions as countries like Iraq and Saudi Arabia are among its largest suppliers of crude oil. Camille Lons follows these issues from Bahrain where she is a Research Associate at the International Institute for Strategic Studies. She was also the Project Editor on the October 2019 paper "China's Great Game in the Middle East" that was published by the European Council on Foreign Relations. Camille joins Eric & Cobus this week to discuss whether China will among the key beneficiaries of the ongoing crisis between the United States and Iran. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @CamilleLons SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe

This week Eric & Cobus discuss what's ahead in 2020 for China-Africa relations. Each shares their views on three key trends to watch out for in the year ahead.  Join us for a wide-ranging discussion that covers everything surging Chinese tech investment in Africa, sustainable energy development to the question over whether African countries will be able to repay their debts to China. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe

The recent kidnapping of three Chinese miners in the southwestern Nigerian state of Osun highlights the vulnerability that confronts the Chinese in many parts of Africa. Chinese companies are well-known for being willing to work in highly volatile regions, even amid civil wars in places like the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo, South Sudan, and Mali among others. Until recently, Chinese companies opted to not invest in security measures or contracted with international firms like G4S who've been active on the continent for many years. That's now starting to change as Chinese private security contractors see an opportunity to provide protective services to companies all along the Belt and Road including Africa. "In light of China’s “going out’’ policy, the need to support China’s State-Owned Enterprises that are investing in high-risk areas has expanded the Chinese market for security services," according to Dr. Alessandro Arduino, Co-Director of the Security & Crisis Management International Centre at the Shanghai Academy of Social Sciences. "Risk assessment and mitigation in the African countries participating in the BRI requires a wide range of security services along both the maritime and land routes," he added in a recent column written for the China-Africa Research Initiative. Dr. Arduino joins Eric to discuss the growing market for Chinese protective services in Africa and the risks confronting these security contractors who are operating in new, unfamiliar territory. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe

Chinese ambassadors in Africa rarely grant one-on-one interviews with international journalists. But that's starting to change now, particularly as a few Chinese envoys are making themselves more accessible to the press and on social media platforms like Twitter. Two ambassadors are especially noteworthy in this area: Lin Songtian in South Africa and Wu Peng in Kenya. Ambassador Wu recently sat down with BBC journalist Dickens Olewe for an interview at the embassy in Nairobi. During the interview, they discussed some of the most sensitive issues that confront the China-Kenya relationship today. Dickens joins Eric to provide a bit of background on how he was able to secure the interview and what he thought of Ambassador Wu's responses to questions about transparency, racism and whether China is engaging in predatory lending in Africa. SHOW NOTES: Listen to Dickens Olewe's full interview with China's ambassador to Kenya Wu Peng. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @dickensolewe SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe

News coverage and social media commentary about the recent deal signed between the Ghanian government and the Chinese state-owned construction conglomerate Sinohydro is almost universally negative. According to deal, Ghana would exchange 5% of its bauxite reserves for $2 billion of infrastructure. But critics in Ghana and internationally contend the deal doesn't make sense and is just too risky both financially and environmentally. If bauxite prices fall then Accra would be on the hook to make up the difference, potentially costing the country millions of dollars. Equally concerning is the fact that the mines are located in the Atewa Forest Preserve, one of West Africa's most important ecological zones and also a critical source for an estimated 5 million people. The government, for its part, has struggled to challenge critics and present counter-arguments as to why this deal is in the best of the country and will not jeopardize fragile ecosystems. Ghana, they argue, has been responsibly mining bauxite for years so why all of a sudden is everyone so worried that this deal, in particular, is so risky? Henry Kyeremeh is the Head of the Bank Accounts, Reserves and Interventions Unit at the Treasury and Debt Management Division in the Ghanian Ministry of Finance. He's a strong advocate for this deal as he believes it's the most efficient way for the government to leverage natural resources to build badly-needed infrastructure without taking new loans. Henry joins Eric & Cobus to provide a different perspective on the Ghana-Sinohydrop deal than what has been portrayed in the news media and online. IMPORTANT DISCLAIMER: It's important to note that although Henry is a senior official in the finance ministry, in this interview he's not speaking in any official capacity on behalf of the Ghanian government and only sharing his personal views on this issue. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @pazeeboy SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe

It's counterintuitive to a lot of people, but Chinese and African agriculture has a lot more in common with one another than many first expect. For the most part, both are dominated by small family farms that have to battle mightily with the twin effects of climate change and industrialization. On the climate change front, drought haunts many parts of both China and Africa as deserts expand and rainfall becomes increasingly intermittent in some areas. Similarly, both China and Africa do not produce enough food to feed themselves and therefore depend on imported food to survive, so the stakes for agriculture in both regions are extremely high. And, in terms of industrialization, in Africa, just as it is in China, the lure of jobs in the cities pulls more and more young people off the land in search of a better life. Given that China has gone through many of the same challenges that African farmers encounter today, there's a huge opportunity for the Chinese to leverage that experience in its aid and development programs. To get some perspective on Chinese agricultural engagement in Africa, Eric & Cobus are joined by Xingqing Lu, an Associate Program Manager from the independent non-profit organization Alliance for a Green Revolution in Africa. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @Xinqing_Lu SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe

Chinese investors have been wary of the African market. For a long time, China's cash-rich venture capital, private equity, and corporate investors have preferred the stability in the U.S. or the cultural familiarity in Southeast Asia's markets. Africa, in their view, just didn't have the profile they were looking for as an investment destination. Many felt the risk was just too high in fragmented markets where consumers lacked sufficient wealth to generate the kind of returns their portfolios demand. Well, that's no longer the case. Now that Chinese money is increasingly viewed as "toxic" in the United States and Africa's consumer markets are beginning to mature, Chinese investors are increasingly getting over the fears they once had about engaging the African market. Chinese private sector investment in Africa surged this year with hundreds of millions of dollars flowing into a variety of sectors across the continent: Apparel: manufacturers are fleeing China's rising labor costs to set up new factories in places like Rwanda and Ethiopia. Electronics: little known Chinese OEMs are setting up small factories in places like Uganda to be able to cut shipping costs and take advantage of Africa's preferential trade agreements with EU and US markets. Mobile tech: Giants like Shenzhen-based Transsion Holdings are rapidly expanding into new markets beyond hardware including music and fintech among others. Fintech: Without a doubt, the rush of Chinese investment into Africa's (largely in Nigeria) fast-growing mobile payments space is the story of the year. So far, they've committed around a quarter-billion dollars with more expected. The list goes on and on... from Huawei in the telecom sector to Beijing-based African pay-TV giant StarTimes that's now making sizable investments in original content production and programming. And these are just the big names who get most of the attention. There are countless other small-to-medium-sized Chinese businesses active in every country across the continent doing everything from running factories that serve local markets to resource extraction. But in order for Chinese investors, particularly those with large portfolios, to successfully to do deals in Africa, they need help, middlemen who can guide them through these very complex markets. So more banks in Africa are hiring people like Kai Zhu to be those guides. Kai is the China-Africa Corridor Deal Team Leader at Absa Group, the Johannesburg-based financial services company that is also Africa's third-largest bank.  Kai joins Eric & Cobus to talk about what's behind China's increased investor interest in Africa and where he sees the trend going in 2020. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe

Ghana is moving forward with an environmentally-risky resources-for-infrastructure deal with the Chinese state-owned construction conglomerate Sinohydro. According to the agreement, Ghana will provide 5% of its bauxite reserves to Sinohydro in exchange for a $2 billion package of infrastructure that includes roads, bridges, power plants and oil refineries. While Ghana's need for infrastructure is understandable, critics contend that this deal is too just dangerous as it threatens the water supply of up to 5 million people. Most of the bauxite that the Chinese will mine is located in the pristine Atewa Forest Reserve in eastern Ghana and is internationally recognized as one of the most important ecosystems in West Africa. The two governments, though, appear determined to proceed regardless of the potential environmental consequences. China recently released the initial tranche of $649 million as part of the deal indicating that both mining operations and construction will start soon. Emmanuel Amoah-Darkwah, an Accra-based economist and market analyst for IHS Markit, is closely following the deal and joins Eric & Cobus to explain why he thinks it's just too risky. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @Amoah_Darkwah SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe

Persistent Chinese demand for donkey hides is now pushing the animal's population in many countries, including a number in Africa, to the brink of collapse according to a new report by the Donkey Sanctuary. The skins are used to make gelatin that used in a Chinese medicine known as ejiao. But given the popularity of ejiao and the enormous demand in a market as large as China's, there simply aren't enough donkeys available to supply the ejiao's production requirements. With the market unable to legitimately supply the 4.8 million hides needed annually to make ejiao, poachers have stepped in to steal donkeys and kill them for their skins. And in most cases, those poachers are taking donkeys from vulnerable subsistence farmers who depend on these animals for their survival. The bottom line is that this a serious crisis that is worsening, in Africa and throughout the developing world. Alex Mayers is the former Head of Programmes at the Donkey Sanctuary and one of the co-authors of the organization's latest "Under the Skin" report. He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the report's findings and why this problem is proving to be so intractable. NOTE: this interview with Alex was recorded just prior to his departure from the Donkey Sanctuary. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @DonkeySanctuary SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe  

African countries are not traditionally known for having strong space programs but now as the cost of launching satellites into orbit falls, that's starting to change and Africa is becoming one of the fastest-growing space markets in the world. In contrast to programs in the U.S., Europe or Russia where space initiatives are often research-driven, African policymakers tend to view the deployment of new satellites as infrastructure, just as it is to build roads, bridges and ports on the ground. So, it's not surprising then that the Chinese are playing an increasingly important to finance, build and launch African satellites into orbit. Earlier this month, the new Sudan Remote Sensing Satellite (SRSS-1) blasted off from the Taiyuan Launch Center in China's Shanxi province. This satellite, built by the Chinese for the Sudanese government, will be used for both civilian and military purposes. Next month, China will launch a similar satellite but this time for the Ethiopian government. In just the past 12-18 months, the Chinese have announced space initiatives with Egypt, South Africa, Angola, Namibia and Kenya among others. While the Chinese are no doubt becoming a major player in the African space sector, they are by no means alone. In fact, whereas the Chinese dominate Africa's terrestrial infrastructure development, that's not the case in the space market where the Europeans, Americans, and Russians are also very active, according to Temidayo Oniosun, founder and Managing Director of the news and analysis website Space in Africa. Temidayo joins Eric & Cobus to discuss China's role in the burgeoning African space market. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @SpaceinAfrica1 SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe  

Ethiopia stands out from other African countries for its ability to attract Chinese companies to open factories there. Through a combination of tax incentives, industrial parks, and its strategic location, Ethiopia is outpacing pretty much every other African country in luring light manufacturing companies to set up shop. But in a country that still lacks a government-set minimum wage, there are widespread complaints that Chinese companies there pay too little and don't employ enough local workers. While those perceptions may be widely-held, they're not supported by the data, according to Weiwei Chen, a PhD candidate at the University of London and a PhD Fellow at UNU-Wider, a think tank at United Nations University in Helsinki, Finland. Weiwei is an expert in Chinese investment in Ethiopia and worked with her University of London colleague, Professor Carlos Oya on a 2019 research report that explored Chinese hiring practices in both Ethiopia and Angola. Their findings echoed earlier research that refuted the stereotype that Chinese companies prefer to bring in their own workers rather than to hire locally. Weiwei joins Eric & Cobus to discuss her latest research on Chinese corporate engagement in Ethiopia and why she thinks there are still so many misperceptions about Chinese hiring practices. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @WeiweiChen16 SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe

At first glance, it would seem that the Trump administration’s decision to revoke Cameroon’s free-trade privileges would be counterproductive at this time when the U.S. is battling hard against the Chinese for influence in Africa. After all, Washington sanctioning Youndé on human rights plays right into the hands of the Chinese who say this is exactly the kind of thing they would never do. But it’s not that simple. President Trump notified Congress last week that he will terminate Cameroon’s preferential trade access to the U.S. market as of January 1 due to “persistent gross violations of internationally recognized human rights.” The White House decision prompted a bit of head-scratching as to why an administration that has actively avoided making human rights a priority in its foreign policy would now, suddenly, turn around and take an action like this on human rights grounds. In Cameroon, they think they know why and it has nothing to do with protecting human rights and everything to do with China. In an interview with CNN, Cameroon’s Minister Delegate at the Ministry of External Relations Felix Mbayu bluntly accused the United States of being disingenuous about its concern for human rights. “The simple truth is that the U.S. is unhappy with a certain stance we take with China,” he said. University of Calgary political science instructor Chris W. J. Roberts is an expert on Cameroonian foreign policy and the author of a new article in Foreign Policy magazine about the decision to strip Yaoundé of its trading privileges with the United States. He joins Eric & Cobus this week to discuss these latest U.S. sanctions and what role, if any, China played in this latest policy shift. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @cwjroberts SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe

It wasn't that long ago when France was by far the dominant foreign actor in West Africa. "Francafrique's" once ubiquitous power allowed it to dominate virtually all aspects of political and economic life in its former colonies. That's no longer the case. Today, France is just a marginal player in most West African countries. Take Senegal, for example, where the French are no longer even among the country's top-ten trading partners, eclipsed by Australia, the United States and, of course, the Chinese. Until now, China has been slow to enter francophone markets in West Africa but that's now starting to change. Bilateral trade with Senegal now tops a billion dollars, largely dominated by Chinese imports. But there are indications now that Beijing is looking for ways to build a more sustainable relationship that also includes increased levels of Chinese investment in Senegal. Last year, China invited Senegal to be the first West African country to become a member of the Belt and Road Initiative and then this past October, representatives from the two countries took part in the first Sino-Senegalese summit that focused on expanding trade, investment infrastructure development ties. All of this may be part of the warm-up for the next triennial Forum on China Africa Cooperation summit or FOCAC, that will take place in Dakar in 2021. Of all of Africa's international summits, FOCAC is by far the biggest and now the most important, and that means there'll be a lot more attention on Sino-Senagalese relations over the next 12-18 months. Professor Ahamadou Aly Mbaye from Cheikh Anta Diop University in Dakar spends a lot of time thinking about Senegal's economic development trajectory and the changing nature of its relationship with France and China. He says there's good reason to be concerned. While Chinese stakeholders are starting to come to Senegal with detailed plans for investment and infrastructure development, Senegalese policymakers are largely unprepared, making decisions based on instincts that have been honed over the years of interactions with French and U.S. stakeholders. To put it bluntly, according to Professor Mbaye, the Senegalese do not have an adequate policy plan for how to best engage the Chinese. Professor Mbaye joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the rise of the Chinese in Senegal and the West African country's rapidly changing economic landscape. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe

Last week's Russia-Africa Summit in the Black Sea city of Sochi marked Moscow's formal re-entry into the African diplomatic arena. The Russians put on a good show, promising Chinese-style "win-win" development and "no strings attached" aid, all of which was enthusiastically embraced by the 40 African leaders who attended the summit. But something just doesn't make sense here. While it's evident that President Putin has a lot to gain from Africa, especially the continent's 54 votes that often vote as a bloc at international organizations like the U.N., it is not immediately apparent how African governments stand to benefit from closer ties with Russia. By almost any measure, Russia's a small player in Africa and that will not likely change any time soon. The Russians aren't going to buy African oil, nor will they spend a lot to build infrastructure, become a source of private-sector FDI and there won't be a lot of aid coming from Moscow either. Mostly, Russia sells Africa weapons. A lot of weapons. Which is not exactly what a continent needs where many regions are struggling with civil war, religious extremism, and growing instability. Furthermore, deeper engagement with Russia also risks alienating Africa's primary international partners in Brussels, Beijing, and Washington, who unlike Moscow, do provide billions of dollars in badly-needed aid, investment and do considerably more trade with the continent. So, what's going on here? Why do African leaders seem so enamored with Russia given that it's a potentially high-risk, low-return proposition? Vita Spivak has been asking those same questions. Vita is the Analytical Project Head at the Moscow-based credit ratings agency Expert RA. She recently wrote an article published on the Carnegie Moscow Center website that explored some of these issues and the emerging diplomatic dynamic between Russia and China in Africa. She joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the confusing diplomacy that's taking place now among Russia, China, and Africa. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @vitaspivak SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe

The pace of Chinese manufacturing going offshore has picked up significantly in the past year, spurred on by U.S. sanctions and the worsening U.S.-China trade conflict. Regardless of what's going on with the U.S., manufacturers were already motivated by China's rising labor costs and heightened environmental regulations to relocate their plants to more affordable locales. While a significant bulk of those factories that were once in China did not move very far to locations in Southeast Asia, some are also starting to find their way to Africa. African leaders, for their part, have been aggressively courting both Chinese and international companies to set-up industrial production in their countries both because they want the investment and the jobs that come with it. Building a robust manufacturing sector, after all, is the tried and true pathway to development success. Taiwan, South Korea, Japan, and other Asian nations moved rapidly from low-income, poor states to advanced economies all within a generation due largely to their focus on manufacturing-led development. China and Vietnam are now following similar paths. So, it's not surprising that African countries are eager to do the same. But, at what cost? The environmental and human toll of this type of low-end manufacturing is extremely high and not well-suited for every culture. University of Colorado Assistant Professor Robert Wyrod discovered that in Kapeeka, Uganda, a small village 60 kilometers outside of the capital Kampala. A Chinese-owned recently set up in the village and at first, everyone was very excited about the prospect of a steady job with a good wage. But it didn't take long, though, for those lofty expectations to turn to disappointment from the grinding demands of factory work and the characteristically-tough Chinese management style. Wyrod documented what happened in Kapeeka for a paper, "In the General's Valley China, Africa, and the Limits of Developmental Pragmatism.", that was published this summer by the University of California Press. He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why Kapeeka should serve as a cautionary tale for other African communities seeking to attract manufacturing investment and what he proposes should be done to protect African workers. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @RobertWyrod SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe

Nigerian Dickson Agbaji is not famous. He's not a singer, a movie star or a popular online celebrity. So, according to the conventional definition of soft power, a guy like Dickson would not be considered very important. But in the long game that China is playing in Africa, investing in people like Dickson today with an eye towards reaping dividends 10, 15 even 20 years in the future, Dickson is actually critical to Beijing's future success on the continent. In so many ways Dickson, not Beyoncé or Post Malone, is the new face of soft power diplomacy in Africa. Dickson is one of more than 60,000 African students currently enrolled in Chinese higher education institutions. He is pursuing a master's in international relations at the prestigious Beijing University where he's a scholar in the Yenching Academy. In the 20th century, the United States had a number of programs that brought young African students over the U.S. to study. Back then, the U.S. regarded student engagement as a vital part of its broader diplomatic agenda whereby bringing young people, largely elites, to study in the U.S. would facilitate them building an American-centric view of the world and foster a network of U.S. relationships that would accompany them throughout their career when they return to their home countries. The U.S., for the most part, doesn't do that anymore. It's cut back on scholarships and made it much more difficult for African students to get visas. China, though, is going in the opposite direction by providing generous scholarships, visas and even holding educational fairs in Africa to recruit students to attend Chinese universities. Those tens of thousands of African students currently studying in China will eventually come back to Africa bringing with them a Sino-centric view of the world and a network of relationships formed during their time in China that will serve them, and China, for decades to come. Dickson joins Eric & Cobus in between classes at Beijing University to discuss why he chose to come to China and what he's getting out of his education there. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @DicksonAgbaji SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe  

When Shenzhen-based Transsion Holdings IPO'd last month no one predicted that it would surge a stunning 64% on its opening day of trading in Shanghai, pushing the company's valuation to around $7 billion. But it really shouldn't have come as a surprise given that Transsion's suite of mobile phone brands is now dominant in Africa with more than 50% of the market.  But Transsion isn't some kind of outlier. Beijing-based StarTimes has tens of millions of PayTV customers across the continent, Huawei, of course, built 70% of Africa's 4G network and Transsion-Netease joint venture Boomplay is the top mobile streaming music service on the continent. And, of course, then there's eCommerce behemoth Alibaba who's just now starting to ramp up its engagement in Africa by making it easier for traders to sell goods on their platform to buyers in China. There's a lot going on in this space and it feels like the pace is picking up very fast. No one follows the tech trends in Africa more closely than Andile Masuku, co-founder/Executive Producer/host of the popular African Tech Roundup Podcast.  Andile joins Eric & Cobus to talk about the huge opportunities and the potential risks that come with China's surging presence in the African technology sector. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @MasukuAndile The African Tech Roundup: Subscribe on Apple Podcasts: https://podcasts.apple.com/us/podcast/african-tech-roundup/id1152011645 Web: https://www.africantechroundup.com/ Twitter: @africanroundup Facebook: https://www.facebook.com/africantechroundup SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe  

The presence of Chinese workers who are helping to build the billions of dollars of infrastructure across Africa is one of the most contentious points in the China-Africa relationship. These workers are often seen as unwelcome guests doing jobs that could or should be done by locals. There is a myriad of reasons why they've been brought to places like Kenya, Ethiopia and dozens of other countries across the continent. Sometimes they bring a skill that's hard to find locally other times it comes down to cost and convenience. Chinese project managers often face crushing deadlines to complete their builds and it's faster, easier and even cheaper to deal with a compatriot than someone who doesn't speak their language or share a common background. Although it's impossible to quantify how many Chinese workers are present in Africa, as there are no reliable statistics only estimates, their impact is undeniable. But too often in the discussion about Chinese workers, the focus tends to be entirely on the African side of the equation and how these migrant workers are taking opportunities away from locals. While there's no doubt, in some cases, that's true, the problem with that discussion, though, is that it dehumanizes the Chinese. They essentially become this inanimate presence rather than understand who these Chinese workers are and how do they feel about being in countries that are strange to them and both physically and culturally far from home. Oxford University postdoctoral researcher Miriam Driessen set out to do just that in her compelling new book "Tales of Hope, Tastes of Bitterness Chinese Road Builders in Ethiopia." And what she found in her research may come as a surprise to many who have never spent much time to think about who these workers are and how they feel about what they're doing in a country like Ethiopia. Many came to Ethiopia with bursting with idealism about the idea of helping an underdeveloped country modernize. But that optimism often turned to disillusionment, bitterness and a feeling of disenchantment. Miriam joins Eric and Cobus to talk about her new book and the challenges confronting Chinese migrant workers in Ethiopia. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @DriessenMiriam MIRIAM DRISSEN'S BOOK: "Tales of Hope, Tastes of Bitterness Chinese Road Builders in Ethiopia" Download a PDF sample from Hong Kong University Press Purchase a copy on Amazon.com (hardcover only) SUPPORT THIS PODCAST. BECOME A SUBSCRIBER TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT. Your subscription supports independent journalism. Subscribers get the following: A daily email newsletter of the top China-Africa news. Access to the China-Africa Experts Network Unlimited access to the CAP's exclusive analysis content on chinaafricaproject.com Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe

Christian missionaries in Kenya are finding a new source of converts among the immigrant Chinese population that came to the country to build infrastructure. Kenyan evangelists, some of whom speak fluent Mandarin, are discovering even though their religion and cultural backgrounds are completely different from those of the Chinese, they are nonetheless breaking through with a biblical message. Although Kenya's Christian community is extremely diverse, one group, in particular, appears to be having considerable success in converting Chinese migrants. Nairobi-based journalist April Zhu published a story in the South China Morning Post Sunday Magazine about how Jehovah’s Witnesses are attracting ever-larger numbers of Chinese converts. April joins Eric from Beijing to discuss her report and what the implications are for those Chinese who do become Jehovah’s Witnesses and then later confront the reality of going back to China  where practicing their religion is against the law. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @aprzhu Web: http://www.aprzhu.com/ SUBSCRIBE TO THE CHINA AFRICA PROJECT: Get a daily digest of the top China-Africa news and analysis plus full access to the CAP website including the China-Africa Experts Network. Subscribe today and get one month free with the promo code PODCAST: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe  

For most countries, aid and investment are two entirely different things. Not with the Chinese, though, where until recently the country's aid programs were actually managed through the Ministry of Commerce. Because the Chinese have such an opaque system, it's very difficult for outsiders to understand what programs are being managed by which ministry and what are the objectives. Again, this is not the case with other donor countries like the U.S. or the UK where there are high levels of disclosure and transparency in the development finance process. The Chinese, for their part, do say they are committed to making the distinction between aid, investment and lending more transparent. The first step came last year with the introduction of the new China International Development Cooperation Agency (CIDCA), the supposed Chinese equivalent to USAID, DFID and other traditional donor agencies. Now, just more than a year old, CIDCA hasn't done very much and is still yet to prove itself. Dr. Pippa Morgan, a teaching fellow at New York University's Shanghai campus, is an expert in Chinese aid and development. She recently completed her PhD on the topic at Fudan University in Shanghai and recently published a paper entitled "'Tracing the Legacy: China's Historical Aid and Contemporary Investment in Africa." Pippa joins Eric & Cobus this week to talk about the confusing distinctions between Chinese aid and investment in Africa. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Twitter:  @eolander | @stadenesque | @Pippa_A_M Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com BECOME A CHINA AFRICA PROJECT SUBSCRIBER: Your subscription includes: 1) Daily email newsletter of all the day's top stories 2) Unlimited access to the News Feed and exclusive analysis on the CAP website. 3) Access to the China-Africa Experts Network SUBSCRIBE TODAY: www.chinaafricaproject.com/subscribe Your subscription supports independent journalism.

China's critics, largely in the U.S., often hold up the Sri Lankan port in Hambantota as the cautionary tale of what purportedly can happen when a developing country fails to pay back its loans to Beijing. Because Sri Lanka fell behind in its payments, according to the story, China, in turn, took control of the port which is all part of a larger Chinese plan to acquire assets around the world from poor, highly indebted countries. While this narrative is widely believed among certain politicians, the so-called "debt-trap diplomacy" narrative has been debunked by a growing of scholars and analysts. There just isn't any evidence whatsoever to support the charge. This doesn't mean that politics don't motivate some of China's lending decisions, not at all, just that the way that the debt trap story's been told is not accurate. This week, Eric & Cobus speak with a pair of scholars who are joining a growing number of researchers who are attempting to change the discourse on Chinese lending practices in developing countries. Matt Ferchen, a non-resident scholar at the Carnegie-Tsinghua Center for Global Policy in Beijing and Anarkalee Perera, a lecturer in international politics and economics at the China Foreign Affairs University in Beijing, recently wrote a paper that delves into the Hambantota case and then goes on to explain why asset seizures, the foundation of the debt-trap theory, is not a factor in Chinese lending to developing countries. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Twitter:  @eolander | @stadenesque | @MattFerchen | @anarkaleep Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.  

Dean Diabate first came to China in 2008, a very long time ago in the world of Chinese eCommerce. Back then, people didn't buy much online or use mobile payments. In fact, no one had ever heard of the now-ubiquitous super app WeChat, much less Alipay or any of the countless digital platforms that have transformed daily life in China. Dean just knew that he liked being in China. He liked the energy, the non-stop pace and the opportunities that professional opportunities. He started there as a student intern, then moved into banking and finally found his way to eCommerce where he now works as a Project Lead at the online giant Alibaba. Situated at Alibaba's global headquarters in the eastern Chinese city of Hangzhou, Dean is ideally situated to watch the latest trends in the fast-moving Chinese eCommerce space and help to develop creative ways for how African exporters might be able to tap the incredible potential of the vast Chinese online shopping market. Dean is on the team at Alibaba that is working closely with Rwanda on various e-government programs as well as helping the country's coffee exporters get their products into the cups of China's increasingly sophisticated coffee consumers. Through his experience working at Alibaba and with Rwandan stakeholders, he's come up with a lot of ideas for what other African companies can do to leverage Chinese eCommerce platforms to find new markets for their products. Dean joins Eric & Cobus from Hangzhou to talk about his personal journey to Alibaba and his reflections on the latest trends in the Chinese eCommerce sector. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: LinkedIn: Dean Diabate Twitter:  @eolander | @stadenesque  Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

China's approach to lending money to developing countries is radically different from that of traditional donors in the U.S., Europe, and Japan. The difference between China's approach and those of traditional lenders have given way for critics to accuse Beijing of engaging what they call "debt-trap diplomacy."   Ma Xinyue, China Research and Project Leader at Boston University’s Global Development Policy Center, is among a growing number of development finance scholars who are trying to sort through China’s new approach to debt sustainability and loan risk assessment for countries along the Belt and Road Initiative.    She joins Eric and Cobus to discuss her recent essay that explores the ramifications of China's new debt sustainability framework that was published earlier this year. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Twitter:  @eolander | @stadenesque |@GDPC_BU Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.  

Aggrey Mutambo is the Senior Diplomatic Writer for the Daily Nation newspaper in Kenya, one of the country's leading dailies. He joins Eric & Cobus this week to talk about the busy year it's been so far in China-Kenya relations and why it's so important that ties between these two countries rapidly evolve or else risk deterioration. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Twitter:  @eolander | @stadenesque | @agmutambo Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

Welcome to the first edition of China-Africa Q&A, a new podcast series that will feature interviews with key stakeholders in the China-Africa discourse. We'll publish these podcasts intermittently and, as always, welcome your feedback. In this edition, Eric speaks with Climate Home News Senior Writer, Chloé Farand, about her recent story on Niger's decision to redraw the boundaries of the Termit and Tin-Toumma nature reserve, one of Africa's largest biodiversity reserves, to accommodate the China National Petroleum Corporation who owns three oil exploration blocks that overlap with the reserve.  Under the proposed change, the portions of the reserve that cross over into CNPC's oil exploration zone will no receive protected status. While the story got quite a bit of attention this summer in the francophone press, there's wasn't as much interest in English-language media. Eric spoke with Chloe from her office in London to find out more about how she came across the story and why she thinks it didn't get the same amount of attention internationally that it did in French-language media. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Twitter: @eolander | @chloefarand Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com  Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

Fyjo Molly uses an unusual way to phoneticize her English YouTube handle name. The Chinese characters for Africa, 非洲, are typically spelled "feizhou" but writing it as "Fyjo" Molly put her own little twist on the name, much like her video blogs where she presents an upbeat, quirky view of African life that is rarely seen by outsiders, especially Chinese. Molly, a Beijing-native, moved to Johannesburg three years ago after working in the video production business in Berlin. Earlier this year, she launched her Instagram and YouTube channels with the goal of showcasing the people and communities that she interacts with daily, challenging the widely-held negative perceptions that so many in the US/EU and China still have about Africa. Unlike a lot of social media content creators, Molly's isn't trying to amass huge amounts of views, sponsorship deals or online fame, though, of course, if that happens she probably wouldn't mind. She could have chosen Chinese social media platforms that would have given her much more exposure than YouTube and Instagram. Instead, she wants to reach a larger, more diverse non-Chinese audience and focus on telling interesting, compelling stories even if each one doesn't rack up a lot of traffic. Although she lives in Johannesburg, Molly travels around the continent to shoot her videos, including recent vlogs shot in Ethiopia and Zambia among other countries. We were fortunate to catch her for a quick discussion just before she headed off to Tanzania.  JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Fyjo Molly on YouTube Fyo Molly on Instagram Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

In this bonus episode, Eric & Cobus speak with Judd Devermont, Director of the Africa program at the Center for Strategic and International Studies, a prominent think tank in Washington, on his key takeaways from this year's Tokyo International Conference on African Development (TICAD) that wrapped up Friday. Both Judd and Cobus attended the conference in Yokohama and met with key stakeholders from Africa, Japan, the U.S., along with various international non-governmental organizations.  JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Judd is one of the leading Africa policy analysts in Washington, D.C. and hosts his own podcast and also publishes an email newsletter on key African foreign policy topics: Subscribe to Into Africa on Apple Podcasts. Subscribe to the CSIS Africa program email newsletter. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque |@jdevermont Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

Journalists Anthony Langat from Kenya, Qian Sun from China and Jacob Kushner from the United States, join Eric & Cobus to discuss their recent report on the Chinese philanthropic-backed company New South's ambitious yet somewhat controversial plan to eradicate malaria in Kenya. They've already done it on the tiny African island of Comoros but Kenya and its 50 million people will be a much more significant challenge. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @antonykip | @jacobkushner | @sunqian1988 Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

54 countries and international organizations will convene at the end of August in Yokohama for the seventh Tokyo International Conference on African Development or TICAD. While the event is ostensibly about Japanese engagement with Africa, a lot of attendees will likely have China on their minds during the two-day summit. Japanese officials are already signaling that they intend to use this year's TICAD to highlight how Tokyo's approach to the continent differs significantly from that of Beijing's. Specifically, they've indicated that the final communique will likely include an expression of "concern" about excessive debt levels in Africa, a not-so-subtle critique of Chinese lending practices in Africa, and there will also be a lot of talk about the supposed differences in quality between Japanese and Chinese construction in Africa. DR Congo-native and University of Tsukuba economics professor Jean-Claude Maswana will be among the speakers at next week's event. One of the issues that he plans to address relates to the competing agendas of the various stakeholders at events like TICAD. "Japan and China both have their respective national interests when it comes to Africa, he explains, "but what role do African leaders have in defining their own interests with rather than simply be a recipient of other countries’ agendas?" Professor Maswana joins Eric from Tsukuba, just outside of Tokyo, to share his views on what to expect from this year's TICAD summit and why China will likely figure so prominently in the discussions. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @JCMaswana Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

South Africa's state-owned power utility Eskom is in dire straits. The electric power company now has more than $30 billion of debt and its current revenue no longer provides enough money to cover daily operational costs. Now, as a result of the ongoing financial crisis at the company, Eskom is now load-shedding with rolling blackouts across the country. Given that Eskom provides almost the entire country's electricity, the stakes for both president Cyril Ramaphosa and South Africa at large are both enormous. Back in April, there were indications that the China Development Bank might step in to provide $2.5 billion in emergency financing but those talks have now reportedly gone cold. Nonetheless, South Africa's Department of Public Enterprises, who oversees Eskom, says it remains optimistic a deal with China can be reached. This week Eric & Cobus speak with University of Johannesburg professor Hartmut Winkler about the fate of Eskom and what role, if any, is China playing to help salvage the company. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @hawiknowledge1 Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

Chinese diplomatic missions in Africa have long had a reputation for being inaccessible, even unapproachable. Ambassadors often shied away from unscripted public events, journalists seeking any kind of comment were largely brushed away and engagement with local NGOs and civil society actors was unheard of. That's now starting to change. Chinese ambassadors like Lin Songtian in Pretoria and Wu Peng in Nairobi are breaking the mold of the once stiff, media-shy Chinese envoy. Ambassador Lin is regularly seen walking the streets of Johannesburg, shaking hands, kissing babies and going on TV for live press conferences. Similarly, in Nairobi, Ambassador Wu, who reportedly speaks Swahili, is hosting at his embassy climate change activists who opposed China's support of coal power plant on Lamu Island. All of this would have been unimaginable just a few years ago and points to a significant change in China's public diplomacy strategy in Africa, according to Cliff Mboya, a Kenyan-native and doctoral candidate at Fudan University in Shanghai. Cliff is an expert in Chinese public diplomacy based the six years he worked as an Information and Public Affairs Officer at the Chinese embassy in Nairobi. Now, he's writing his dissertation on the topic and researching some of the significant changes that Beijing is now beginning to implement across Africa. Cliff joins Eric & Cobus from Nairobi to discuss the current trends in Chinese public diplomacy in Africa. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque |@Cli4ohMboya Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

In this special edition of the China in Africa podcast, Eric & Cobus join Judd Devermont, Africa Director at the Center for Strategic and International Studies (CSIS) and Yun Sun, a Non-Resident Fellow at The Brookings Institution, to discuss the future of U.S. foreign policy in Africa and how Washington can more effectively compete with China's growing influence on the continent. This week's show was recorded at the CSIS studio in Washington and is a joint production with the Into Africa podcast, hosted by Judd and produced by CSIS. Click here to listen to the Into Africa edition of the program which contains an extended interview with Cobus on current issues in South African politics. Subscribe to Into Africa on Apple Podcasts. Subscribe to the CSIS Africa program email newsletter. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque |@jdevermont Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. CORRECTION: In the introduction of this week's show, Eric incorrectly said that the recent AGOA Forum was held in Abuja instead of Abidjan. 

For many of the hundreds of thousands of Chinese who live and work in Africa, life is often is not easy. Low pay, long hours and extended assignments in unfamiliar cultures often lead to feelings of isolation and disillusionment.  Connections with friends and family back home, largely using WeChat, are often difficult to maintain over extended periods of time, which prompts some to look for comfort closer to home. And in places like East Africa, some of these disaffected workers are finding their way into the evangelical Christian community that is so pervasive in that part of the continent. Seeing the opportunity to grow their parishes, church leaders are readily embracing this new population with services in Mandarin and other Chinese dialects. In Africa, these newly-converted migrants are part of a much larger community of Christian evangelicals. But after they return to China, they become a potential problem for the Chinese Communist Party that imposes strict regulations on religion and bans any unapproved religious activity.  Religious control in China is even more severe than it was even just a few years ago. "The CCP has always been anti-religion, but after Xi Jinping assumed Party control in 2012, China enacted a level of religious persecution not seen since Mao attempted to eliminate religion and other sources of dissent during the bloody Cultural Revolution," said Dr. Christopher Rhodes, a Boston University lecturer who specializes in the intersection of religion, identity and politics in Africa. Earlier this year, Christopher explored the issue of converted Chinese migrants returning home from Africa, and the potential political ramifications, in an article for the U.K.-based online publication UnHerd. He joins Eric and Cobus to discuss this important yet poorly understood consequence of Chinese investment in Africa. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque |@PReligions Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

Atlantic Council Senior Fellow Aubrey Hurby joins Eric and Cobus to discuss her new report on how the United States can catch up, or "challenge," China's commercial expansion in Africa. The bottom line, Aubrey writes, is that the U.S. can no longer be 'all things to all people' and must focus its policy efforts on those areas where it retains a distinct competitive advantage in Africa over the Chinese.  Read more about the five practical, actionable recommendations she makes for U.S. stakeholders on how to best promote U.S. commercial interests while at the same time provide a genuine economic development alternative for African governments: Deconstructing the Dragon: China’s Commercial Expansion in Africa JOIN THE DISCUSSION: What do you think of the current U.S. foreign policy in Africa? Do you think new proposals like Prosper Africa are the right solutions to match what the Chinese are doing on the continent? Or do you think that the Trump administration is more interested in confronting China in Africa? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @AubreyHruby Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

In this episode of the China in Africa Podcast, Kofi Agbogah of the Ghanian coastal advocacy group Hen Mpoano join Eric & Cobus to discuss the unfolding crisis in the country's fish stocks due to illegal fishing by foreign trawlers, mostly from China. For more, read the June 2019 report published by Hen Mpoano and the UK-based Environmental Justice Foundation "Stolen at Sea: How illegal ‘saiko’ fishing is fuelling the collapse of Ghana’s fisheries." JOIN THE DISCUSSION: What do you think should be done to stop illegal "saiko" fishing off the coast of Ghana? Who do you think is responsible? The Ghanian government who should enforce their own laws that prevent this kind of over-fishing or the Chinese government who should rein in their country's distant fishing fleet? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @henmpoano Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

Africa's commodity-dependent economies are extremely vulnerable to the current uncertainties roiling global markets, specifically the heightening trade tensions between the U.S. and China. With the tariffs taking their toll on China's slowing economy and the U.S. becoming even more assertive with other countries, African policymakers have good reason to be worried. This week, Cobus and Eric are joined by Cheng Cheng, Chief Economist of the Made in Africa Initiative and a prominent Chinese economics commentator on China's Belt and Road agenda. Cheng, like a number of economists, believes that the ongoing Sino-U.S. trade dispute could have severe ramifications in emerging markets, particularly in places like Africa, if it's not soon resolved.  JOIN THE DISCUSSION: How do you think Africa is faring so far amid the ongoing dispute? Do you think African countries should, or will need to pick sides in this conflict or is better for them to just keep their heads down and hope things get resolved? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

Africa is urbanizing faster than any region in the world. Today, an estimated 472 million Africans live in cities and that number is expected to double over the next 25 years, according to research by the Center for Strategic and International Studies. That means governments have to start to build massive amounts of infrastructure now to accommodate the surge of people migrating to cities across the continent. And it appears that's exactly what they're doing, especially in the transportation sector, where ensuring mobility will be critical to fostering economic development. Currently, there are 448 large-scale transport projects (road, rail, and bridges) across Africa at all stages of development from announcement to execution with a total investment value of $430.3 billion. Just over 21 percent of those projects are being built by the Chinese. What's interesting here is that China went through a very similar transition in the 1990s and 2000s when the government urbanized large swathes of the population, taking China from being a majority rural population to one where most people now live in cities. Along with that transition, China also built out vast new road, rail, and aviation networks to accommodate these new populations. Now, China is leading the development of a number of next-generation sustainable transportation systems, particularly in the country's largest cities like Shanghai and Shenzhen where sophisticated electric mobility networks are now well-established. So just as other developing regions have leveraged technology to leapfrog past incumbent methods, there are indications African stakeholders will look to China for inspiration on how to introduce new transportation solutions to accommodate the rapidly growing urban populations in their countries. Two analysts, Dr. Lauren Johnston and Beijing-based consultant Robert Earley, recently delved into that issue in a paper "Can Africa build greener infrastructure while speeding up its development? Lessons from China." Robert joins Cobus to discuss what aspects of the Chinese transportation development experience can be adapted to meet the growing mobility needs on the continent. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @SinoCanadian Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

Author and Hudson Institute senior research fellow Bruno Maçães joins Eric and Cobus to discuss the key drivers of China's hugely ambitious Belt and Road Initiative that he outlined in his recent book, "Belt and Road: A Chinese World Order." He also explains why he thinks the U.S. has good reason to worry that its time as the global hegemonic power may indeed be coming to an end. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: How do you describe the Belt and Road Initiative? Do you agree with Bruno that it's something that threatens the Western-run rules-based order? Or do you think that's overstating and BRI is a lot of hype but really too uncoordinated to be of much concern?  Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque |@MacaesBruno Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com To find out more about Bruno's two books on Eurasia and Belt and Road, please click for information: (2019) Belt and Road: A Chinese World Order (2018) The Dawn of Eurasia: On the Trail of the New World Order Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

Kenya's National Environmental Tribunal ruled this week that the government and its industry-allies failed to submit a proper environmental impact assessment to build a coal power on Lamu island. The $2 billion plant, with more than half of the financing coming from the Industrial and Commercial Bank of China (ICBC), was projected to produce 1,050 megawatts of badly-needed electricity. But that power would have likely come at a very high environmental cost. Environmental activists warned that the plant would have increased Kenya's carbon emissions by 700% and caused serious damage to local farms and fishing grounds. The government now has 30 days to appeal the ruling. There's been no official response from ICBC or the Chinese government as to how they plan to respond to the tribunal's decision. Critics of the proposed plant want to encourage China to walk away from this project, rightly pointing out that building coal plants in pristine environments like Lamu does not help China's environmental image in Africa. Instead, they argue, there's an opportunity here for Beijing to align its rhetoric on sustainability and green technology along its Belt and Road trade route with financing that will go to support renewable electricity initiatives. Omar Elmawi, a campaign coordinator for the anti-coal advocacy group DeCOALonize that was also plantiff in the case against that went before the environmental tribunal, is cautiously optimistic that  both the Chinese and Kenya supporters of the plant will back down. But, it's still too early to tell. Omar joins Eric and Cobus to discuss the Lamu coal plant case and why Kenya didn't actually need this plant to fulfill its power requirements given the abundance of renewable resources at its disposal. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: What do you think of the tribunal's decision and how do you think the Chinese-financiers of the proposed Lamu coal power plant should respond? Should they take Omar's advice and just walk away from this project or do you think they should come back to engage activistis like DeCOALonize on how to finance new renewable electric power projects?  Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @deCOALonize | @Justice_Elmawi   Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

Blessed with generous government-backed loans and low-cost, high-quality equipment, Chinese technology companies have transformed African telecommunications. Millions can now connect for voice and data using devices made by Tecno, Huawei, and ZTE among countless others. Similarly, in media, private companies like StarTimes and state-backed propaganda outlets like CGTN now reach tens of millions of consumers across the continent. That China has wired up the continent and provided millions of people with affordable communications tools is undeniably a good thing. But Chinese technology in Africa is also a source of considerable controversy with the spread of surveillance technologies that are being used by governments to monitor and suppress dissent. Similarly, Chinese-produced artificial intelligence and facial recognition technologies are making their way to places like Zambia, Kenya, and Zimbabwe and other countries, prompting legitimate concerns that Beijing isn't just exporting equipment but also a culture of surveillance. Wits University scholar Iginio Gagliardone is among the world's leading experts on the rise of Chinese technology in Africa. He joins Eric and Cobus to discuss his new book, "China, Africa, and the Future of the Internet" published by Zed Books in South Africa. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: What do you think of the indispensable role that China now plays in Africa's telecommunications and information technology sectors? Do the benefits of China's affordable technologies outweigh the concerns related to surveillance? Let us know. Let us know what you think. If you would like to learn more about Iginio's new book or purchase it, it's now available on Amazon. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @iginioe Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

Johns Hopkins University professor and director of the China-Africa Research Initiative in Washington, D.C., Deborah Brautigam, joins Eric & Cobus this week to discuss accusations that China engages in so-called "debt trap diplomacy."  The "debt trap" narrative, also commonly referred to as "predatory lending," states that China uses excessive lending to developing countries knowing full well these countries will not have the means to repay these loans. In turn, these countries, many of them very poor, will then be forced to default on the loans and handover key strategic assets to China or be forced to otherwise compromise their sovereignty to satisfy Beijing. Brautigam looked at more than 3,000 Chinese infrastructure projects around the world in an article recently published in The American Interest magazine and found no evidence to support this oft-cited charge. China's critics in the U.S. and Europe are misguided when they focus on Beijing's massive lending as some kind of political conspiracy, explained Brautigam. Instead, she contends, China exporting corruption and crony capitalism are much more worrisome. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Do you agree with professor Brautigam's contention that Chinese lending is more motivated by commercial considerations than political objectives and that concerns about supposed "debt traps" are overblown? Or do you think she is misreading the situation and that Chinese lending in Africa and elsewhere really is the proverbial "trojan horse" that U.S. leaders have been warning about? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @d_brautigam Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

  Representatives from 53 African countries are expected to attend the inaugural China-Africa Economic and Trade Expo that will take place in Changsha, capital of the south-central province of Hunan, from June 27-29.  Those African officials attending the expo will no doubt have one over-riding objective: sell more stuff to China. At first glance, China-Africa trade looks healthy. Trade between the two regions rebounded sharply in 2018 to more than $204 billion, reversing a multiyear slump and reaffirming China's role as the continent's most important trading partner. But those big numbers also conceal serious problems. The Chinese sell far more than they buy from Africa, fueling yawning trade deficits that are potentially unsustainable. In fact, 40 countries across the continent currently have trade deficits with China. China's trade is also not spread evenly geographically or across various industries. An estimated 70 percent of everything that China imports from Africa is either minerals, timber or oil, the bulk of which comes from just ten countries. The situation in Kenya highlights the disparity that is common in most resource-poor African countries where, according to the government's National Bureau of Statistics, Kenya exported just $167 million to China last year but imported a staggering $3.78 billion worth of goods, mostly equipment used to build infrastructure like the Standard Gauge Railway. China, for its part, does acknowledge the problem and events like the one that will take place in Changsha are purportedly intended to facilitate more African imports to the Chinese market in the hopes of minimizing the current trade imbalance. But experts say it won't be easy. Hannah Ryder, CEO of the Beijing-based consultancy Development Reimagined, advises stakeholders from both Africa and China on trade-related issues. While she acknowledges the current trade relationship has its problems, she also thinks there are new opportunities for African exporters that can potentially help narrow the divide. Hannah joins Eric and Cobus to discuss the current state of China-Africa trade and what can be done to make it more equitable and sustainable for both sides. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: What do you think of the current China-Africa trading relationship? Are you concerned about the trade deficits that China runs with most African countries or do you think this will eventually resolve itself as African countries industrialize and move up the production value chain? Let us know. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @hmryder Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

At first glance, China's engagement in Latin America and the Caribbean (LAC) looks a lot like what it's doing in Africa. Just as China surpassed Europe as Africa's largest trading partner, China has similarly overtaken the U.S. as LAC's largest export market. While China's trade with Africa dipped significantly from 2014 through 2017, it's a different story in the Americas where trade has steadily increased from $140 billion in 2008 to now more than $260 billion -- significantly more than the $204.5 billion in trade that China did with Africa last year. Just as in Africa, the bulk of China's trade with the Americas is commodities, mostly soybeans, metal ores and oil. And just as regional leaders in the Americas are concerned about the growing trade imbalance with China, they're also eager to borrow ever larger amounts of money from Beijing to finance new infrastructure. Worries about the proverbial "debt trap" are just as pronounced in LAC as they are in Africa. So, while there are a lot of parralels between China's engagement in Africa and the Americas, there are also some stark differences. Fudan University doctoral candidate Santiago Bustelo is an expert in Sino-South American relations and also specializes in China's relations with Brazil. He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his research in this field and what China's increasingly important economic ties with the Americas means for Africa. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

[EDITOR'S NOTE: This episode was recorded before the United States government announced that it would blacklist Huawei and blocked the company from using Google's Android operating system and other apps.] It is hard to overstate Huawei's singular importance in the development of Africa's information technology sector. Over the past ten years the company, often armed with state-backed loans from China, has built significant portions of Africa's IT infrastructure, everything from networking to broadband connectivity to new cloud data centers in places like Egypt and South Africa. 70% of all 4G networks across the continent were reportedly built by Huawei. But while Huawei's presence in Africa is pervasive it's also controversial. Allegations that Huawei was involved in Chinese spying efforts against the African Union prompt similar questions like those being raised by the United States who challenge the company's independence from both the Chinese Communist Party and the Chinese government. Although African stakeholders contend that security and privacy concerns surrounding Huawei are important, most do not believe they are paramount issues. Instead, access to affordable, high-quality telecommunications infrastructure is much more important. But now that the United States is closing in on the company, blocking Huawei from using the Android operating system, African telecom operators are likely starting to worry about what happens if Washington similarly blacklists Huawei's use of components that are used in all that networking gear now running their phone and data networks.  If Huawei is forced out of those markets, it could be cataclysmic for African telcos who would find it difficult, if not impossible, to switch to American, Korean or European vendors. The bottom line is that African telecommunications operators now rely on Huawei gear, making the Chinese company truly indispensable in the operation of their networks. Huawei, like almost every Chinese company, is notoriously averse to interacting with the media and rarely grants extended, on the record interviews with no pre-conditions.  So, it was a bit of a surprise when Adam Lane, senior public affairs director for Huawei Kenya, offered to appear on the podcast. He joins Eric & Cobus for a wide-ranging discussion on all aspects of the company's operations in Africa and what the mood is like inside the firm. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Do you agree with the U.S. that Africans should be wary about dealing with Huawei due to its ties with the CCP and the Chinese government? Or, do you think Africans are right to take a gamble given the imperative of building modern telecommunications networks for their burgeoning economies? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @_ail Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

It’s well documented that a lot of people in Ghana and elsewhere in Africa resent the growing Chinese migrant presence, both in terms of the people who come and the Chinese way of doing business that is often culturally out of sync with local customs. Those perceptions, however, can be misleading. While an influx of Chinese business people in places like Accra have brought new, intense competition for local merchants and suppliers, they've also helped to lower prices for consumers. Other merchants, who buy wholesale, appreciate the new competition from Chinese traders because prices are also lower for them as well. And landlords in Accra's Central Business District aren't complaining either about the arrival of the Chinese given that rents have gone up. Kwaku Dankwah, a Ph.D. candidate in the department politics and international relations at the University of Adelaide in Australia, studies the impact of the growing presence of Chinese merchants in Ghana and the reactions this new immigrant group provokes from consumers and business owners. Together with Marko Valenta from the Norwegian University of Science and Technology, he co-wrote a paper on the subject: "Chinese entrepreneurial migrants in Ghana: socioeconomic impacts and Ghanaian trader attitudes." Kwaku joins Eric and Cobus to discuss why the Chinese merchant presence in Accra's Central Business District is both reviled and welcomed, sometimes even by the same people. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: What do you think of Kwaku's assessment that the influx of Chinese business owners in places like Accra provides both opportunities and challenges for local competitors? Do you think Ghana should do more to encourage Chinese investors to migrate there or crack down and limit immigration?  Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @kwaku_o_dankwah Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

China's critics, led largely by the United States, are determined to warn developing countries about the risks of borrowing too much money from Beijing. They contend China will use these loans to financially entrap economically vulnerable countries as part of a broader effort to exert political influence and control. Mark Akpaninyie does not agree. The former research analyst at the prestigious Washington, D.C.-based think tank the Center for Strategic and International Studies wrote a provocative article The Diplomat that China's debt diplomacy is a "misnomer" and should instead be called "Crony Diplomacy." "This practice does not trap recipient countries into taking on unsustainable debt," he said. "Instead, it allows Chinese companies to profit from often crooked deals building much-needed infrastructure in some of the world’s poorest countries, exploiting the undersupply of financing and these countries’ appetite for infrastructure projects." Mark joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why he thinks China isn't a predatory lender, as critics charge, but instead "motivated by profit and abetted by a toxic combination of disorganization, incompetence, and negligence."  JOIN THE DISCUSSION: Do you agree with Mark's assertion that corruption plays a much bigger role in China's overseas lending drive than any grand geopolitical plan? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @theubong Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

In the U.S. and many parts of Europe, China's Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) is often seen as "Trojan Horse" where Beijing uses the lure of trade and investment to discretely extend its political influence around the world. Not surprisingly, in China, those U.S. and European fears are quickly dismissed. Understanding these different perceptions is very important given how high the stakes are, both for the member states in places like Africa and the international system as a whole. "More than any other project, [BRI] has come to symbolize a new phase in China's rise, the moment when Beijing embraces its role as a new superpower, capable of remaking the world economy and attracting other countries to its own economic orbit and ideological model," said Portuguese minister and Hudson Institute fellow Bruno Maçães in his new book "Belt and Road - A Chinese World Order." In our ongoing series that explores different interpretations of the BRI, Eric and Cobus are joined this week by Zhu Zheng, an international affairs columnist for the financial newspaper Caijing and a research fellow at the China-Eastern Europe Institute. Zhu has traveled across Belt and Road countries in Asia, the Americas, and Eastern Europe and writes extensively on the subject for his readers in China. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: What do you think of the Belt and Road Initiative? Do you want your country to join in the hopes of tapping investment funds for infrastructure development and increased trading opportunities with China? Or, do you share the U.S. concerns that this whole thing is really just a ploy to expand Chinese political influence throughout the developing world? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.

37 foreign heads of state came to Beijing this week to take part in the second Belt and Road summit hosted by Chinese president Xi Jinping. Some leaders like Kenya's president Uhuru Kenyatta came with expectations to sign huge infrastructure loan deals, while others, including Ethiopian prime minister Abiy Ahmed, asked for debt relief. But amid all of the deals and big announcements at the summit, the underlying message about what exactly is the Belt and Road and what does it stand for is still not clear to a lot of people. Is it China's grand plan for global domination that uses debt as a tool of control, as the United States and others contend? Or, is it a new global development platform that the Chinese say is meant to propel its much-heralded "win-win" diplomacy? Mired by sloppy deal-making, poor planning, and clumsy diplomacy in recent years, the Belt and Road Initiative has seemingly lost its focus and President Xi, no doubt, wants to use the recent summit as a way to get the BRI back on track again. THIS WEEK'S GUEST: Erik Myxter-lino, host of the Belt and Road Podcast, is a close observer of BRI politics and has followed this initiative from the beginning, back in 2013. Erik joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why he thinks it's so difficult for the Chinese to explain what BRI is really all about. JOIN THE DISCUSSION: What do you think of China's Belt and Road Initiative? A ploy to entrap poor countries with the lure of cheap loans? Or do you think this is a legitimate development agenda that aims to improve the lives of millions through new infrastructure? Let us know. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @emyxter | @beltandroadpod Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Subscribe to the Belt and Road Podcast here   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. 

Throughout the history of China's engagement in Africa, even today, Beijing has spent most of its time and resources to foster ties with elites across the continent. And it's done a remarkable job. Political leaders across Africa have built strong relationships with their counterparts in China, establishing powerful bonds built on hard-earned trust and mutual interest. But with other stakeholders, particularly non-elites in civil society, China isn't faring so well. Trust in the Chinese is low among broad swaths of populations in many segments of African societies that fear the Chinese as the new imperialists who use debt rather than guns to conquer their countries. Rumors and unfounded news reports about the Chinese in Africa fly around the internet, unchecked by the Chinese themselves and repeated so often that they have become normalized by millions. The bottom line is that China has a trust problem in many parts of Africa and it doesn't appear willing or capable to do anything about it. This week, Eric & Cobus discuss the issue of trust in the China-Africa relationship and why it's critical the Chinese figure out a way to build stronger ties beyond just political elites or else potentially be in the same situation they're in the United States where trust between those two countries has effectively disappeared. Join the discussion: Do you agree that China has a trust problem in Africa? If so, what do you think the Chinese should do to fix it? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.   

The U.S.-based Environmental Investigation Agency recently published the findings of a four-year investigation into illegal logging practices in the Congo Basin, specifically in the Republic of Congo and Gabon. Timber sourced from this region makes it ways into supply chains in Europe, China, and the U.S., much of it coming from the Dejia Group, a privately-owned Chinese enterprise. Dejia is a massive enterprise that controls an estimated 1.5 million hectares of land in the Congo Basin, making it one of the most important actors in this story of illicit logging. Dejia, according to EIA's findings, continuously violated forest laws, turned timber trade regulations upside-down, and diverted millions of dollars in unpaid taxes from local governments. Company representatives also admitted to EIA investigators that they regularly paid bribes to officials for logging permits. Lisa Handy, a Senior Policy Advisor at EIA, is one of the report's authors and joins Eric & Cobus to talk about the investigation and what her organization recommends can be done to limit the actions of Dejia Group and other logging violators to halt the rapid, and illegal, deforestation of the Congo Basin that is fast becoming an ecological crisis with global implications. Show Notes: Download the EIA report: Toxic Trade: Forest Crime in Gabon and the Republic of Congo and Contamination of the US Market Join the Discussion: What do you think of EIA's findings and what do you think can be done to curtail illegal logging in places like the Congo Basin? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @EIAEnvironment Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. 

This week, Colonel Chris Wyatt, Director of African Studies at the U.S. Army War College, joins Eric & Cobus to discuss a conservative U.S. foreign policy outlook regarding Africa and his views on Chinese engagement on the continent. Colonel Wyatt is a professional military officer with more than 36 years of experience in security, international development and education in Africa, Europe, Southwest Asia, and North America. He was also the lead military advisor to the U.S. ambassador to the African Union and served as the U.S. Africa Command Liaison Officer to the African Union. His background in Africa includes operations in Uganda, Central African Republic, and South Sudan among many others. Although Colonel Wyatt is an active duty officer in the United States military, his comments in this week's podcast represent his personal views and not those of the Pentagon or the United States government. Show Notes: Read Colonel Wyatt's assessment of last December's new policy strategy for Africa, also known as "Prosper Africa," unveiled by National Security Advisor John Bolton: The new strategy seems far less a “strategy” and much more akin to a “philosophy” for engagement in Africa Join the Discussion: What is your assessment of the current, more conservative U.S. foreign policy in Africa and Washington's view that China is engaged in predatory lending on the continent? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com LinkedIn: Colonel Chris Wyatt | Eric Olander | Cobus van Staden   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. 

In this week's episode, Effy Zhang, a Beijing-based global affairs reporter for the privately-run financial news outlet Caixin, joins Eric & Cobus to talk about how she covers China-Africa issues for her readers in China. It's interesting to compare Chinese news coverage from that African and international reports that are often starkly different from one another, even when discussing the same issues.  Join the discussion. With Chinese and African news consumers reading vastly different perspectives on the issues, what do you think can be done to narrow the divide? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @EffyZhangmy Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. 

China-Africa trade rebounded in 2018 after several years of steady declines. Trade between the two regions last year increased by nearly 20% to $204 billion, according to the Chinese Ministry of Commerce. The bulk of Africa's exports to China is raw materials, namely oil ($46.3 billion), minerals ($37.04 billion) and timber ($13 billion). While the oil and timber businesses in Africa are dominated by large extraction companies, many of the minerals that the Chinese source there are pulled out of the ground by so-called "artisanal miners" who are often comprised of individuals, collectives and small-to-medium size businesses. It's a dangerous, miserable and exhausting way to eke out a very meager wage. Those minerals, many of them from places like DR Congo, are in high demand in China where they are used to manufacture all sorts of electronic devices and increasingly electric cars. But what happens to these minerals, like cobalt and tantalum, once they've left Africa and make their way to China? Well, they invariably pass through the hands of traders like Shenzhen-based Albert Rugaba. The Rwanda-native has lived in China for the past 22 years, where he also graduated from university and now speaks fluent Mandarin. Albert has a ground-level view of the minerals trade and joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the latest trends in this important, yet little understood aspect of the China-Africa relationship. Join the discussion. Can mineral-exporting African countries do more to increase the value of the minerals before they're shipped to China? Or, will corruption and incompetence hamper any efforts to reform the system? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Follow Albert on LinkedIn where he regularly posts news and updates on the China-Africa minerals trade.   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. 

Born in China, raised in Ghana, Zhao Huiling is part of a new generation of young social media storytellers who aims to tell a very different China-Africa story than what you see in traditional media. Huiling joins Eric & Cobus to talk about her new video blog or vlog, where she shares her personal stories about Africa to her followers on Chinese social media. Join the discussion. What do you think of the stories that vloggers like Huiling are producing about Africa? Do you think social media content will have an impact on the broader China-Africa narratives? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Show Notes: HuilingInAfrica on YouTube Zhao Huiling on Instagram (@Huilingz1) Follow Huiling on WeChat: huilinginafrica (Chinese only) Fyjo Molly 非洲茉莉 on YouTube   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. 

While there are a growing number of books that explore the China-Africa relationship, most are written either by scholars or journalists who are experts in the field and are written in a style that is often inaccessible for people new to this subject. Beijing-based author and social entrepreneur Lina Getachew Ayenew saw this as the perfect opportunity to write a China-Africa book "for everyone else." She was well-positioned to do so given that she had spent years producing weekly easy-to-understand summaries of China-Africa news and events for clients in Beijing. So Lina pulled together five years of those digests as the source material for her a new book that chronicles China-Africa relations from the years 2014-2018. Lina joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the book, The Complete Beginner's Guide to China-Africa Relations, and to share her views on some of the key "mega themes" that are shaping China-Africa relations today. Join the discussion. What are your favorite China-Africa books that you would recommend? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news.   

25 years ago, China and South Africa were largely estranged from one another. The two countries didn't even recognize each other recognize each other as the former apartheid government in Pretoria maintained diplomatic ties with China's bitter rival in Taiwan.  Wits University postdoctoral research fellow Christopher Williams has closely followed the rise of China-South Africa relations from the beginning when former South African president Nelson Mandela formerly recognized China in 1998. Christopher joins Eric & Cobus to explain why this relationship has become so important for both countries. Join the discussion. Do you think South Africa's emergence as the "indispensable country in Africa" for China is good for South Africa or should Pretoria re-balance its foreign policy? Let us know what you think. Read Chris 2018 article on the backstory of how South Africa ditched Taiwan for China. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. 

The number of African university students in China has exploded over the past twenty years, surging from just under 2,000 in 2003 to almost 50,000 today. In fact, China is now second only to France as a destination for African students. But what happens to these students after graduation? Their visas typically require them to leave the country within a month of completing their studies, so the majority go home. But not all. A growing number of African graduates are successfully landing jobs with Chinese companies or starting up their own firms in China, allowing them to work and remain in the country. Ghanian-native Zahra Baitie has lived, worked and studied in China for a number of years. Last year she graduated from the prestigious Tsinghua University in Beijing with a Master's of Public Policy and will soon begin working in China's booming eCommerce industry. Zahra has also been very active in the African student scene in China, organizing workshops and various events. Zahra joins Eric & Cobus to share her experiences of what it's like for young African professionals like herself to live, study and work in China. Join the discussion? While it may not be for everyone, would you be up for moving to China to work? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @Zahrati_1 Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. 

  Emeka Umejei, a visiting assistant professor in journalism and media studies at the American University of Nigeria in Yola, is an expert on how Chinese hardware companies like Huawei are re-shaping Africa's internet. He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the political calculations that African states are making in their decision to rebuff the United States concerns that telecom giant Huawei's equipment is vulnerable to being used for spying. Join the discussion. Do you think African policymakers are right to be less concerned about potential security breaches in Huawei networking equipment and that it could be used to spy for the Chinese government? Or, do you feel that whatever the issues are, ultimately, this isn't Africa's fight? Let us know what you think. Read Emeka's December article: The Imitation Game: Will China's Investments Re-Shape Africa's Internet? Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @emekaumejei Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. 

Kenya is the latest African country to integrate Mandarin language studies into its national curriculum, following South Africa, Tanzania, and Uganda. The curriculum development institute in Nairobi said the new Chinese language teaching plan is complete and will be introduced to primary school students beginning in 2020. There is certainly a good case to be made that speaking the language of your largest trading partner, and one of Kenya's largest sources of investment, makes a lot of sense. But, language, particularly in Africa is a highly emotive topic. Daily Nation columnist Eric Wamanji said there are real reasons to be concerned about the negative implications of adding Mandarin Chinese to the national curriculum. "When Mandarin joins our linguistic mix, you can be sure it will also transmit the Chinese value system and rework our consciousness," he wrote in a recent column. Eric joins Eric & Cobus from Nairobi to discuss why he thinks Mandarin represents a tool of Chinese "neo-imperialism" in Kenya. Join the discussion. Do you agree with Eric and that Kenyan should be wary of learning Chinese? Or, do you feel that Kenyans should engage the outside world by understanding the language and culture of their largest economic partner and the world's second largest economy? Let us know what you think. Read Eric's column: Why language and culture are the perfect instruments for expansion of Chinese empire Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @manjis Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. 

When U.S. National Security Advisor John Bolton announced Washington's new strategy for Africa last December, he mentioned China 14 times in his speech. So often, in fact, that a lot of observers commented that the new policy seemed to be more focused on containing China's rising influence on the continent than on Africa itself. Now, two months later, there's been no follow-up from the White House, leaving a lot of people to wonder what's going on and if the policy, known as "Prosper Africa," has somehow gotten lost amid the chaos that has subsumed the Trump administration. The silence since the Bolton speech no doubt provides some reassurance to officials in Beijing even if the U.S. wanted to really challenge the Chinese presence in Africa, they just don't seem to be up to the task. "So how concerned should China be about this new US policy towards Africa? Not very," professors Joshua Eisenman and David Shinn in a column published in the South China Morning Post (SCMP) newspaper. "Bolton’s statement is heavy on rhetoric, but the strategy is stillborn because the administration is not allocating the resources or manpower required for it to succeed," they added. Meanwhile, other experts contend that resources have nothing to do with it, and instead, it's more about the fact that the Chinese are not central America's long-term strategic interests in Africa. "China may get all the ink following Ambassador Bolton’s announcement of a new Africa Strategy, but the things that ought to interest Africans have far less to do with “great power” competition and more to do with bilateral U.S. individual African state relationships," said Colonel Chris Wyatt, Director of African Studies at the U.S. Army War College. Professor Eisenman, a China-Africa scholar at the University of Texas in Austin, joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his SCMP recent column and the current state of U.S.-China-Africa geopolitics. Join the discussion? What did you think of the Bolton speech and the new U.S. strategy for Africa? Do you think China should be worried? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. 

The last time the United States fought a Cold War it led to devastating, long term consequences for Africa. Now, as the U.S. moves to challenge China's growing influence around the world, Africa risks becoming collateral damage in yet another great power rivalry. Rand Corporation Policy Analyst Ali Wyne joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his recent article that explores whether the United States and China are embarking on a 21st century Cold War. Join the discussion. How do you think the steadily deteriorating U.S.-China relationship will impact Africa and how should African leaders respond? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @Ali_Wyne Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. 

Just as with other aspects of the China-Africa relationship, critics and advocates alike can see what they want in the growing presence of Chinese technology in Africa. For some perspective on the implications of China's growing influence on the African tech sector, Eric & Cobus are joined this week by two professors in the United States who are actively studying the issue -- one from a largely Chinese perspective, the other who looks at the issue through an African lens: Seyram Avle is an assistant professor of communications at the University of Massachusetts in Amherst who is currently studying tech entrepreneurial cultures and innovation between China, Ghana, and Silicon Valley.   Silvia Lindtner is an assistant professor of information at the University of Michigan where she studies technology entrepreneurship and hacking cultures, with a particular emphasis on the hardware sector in places like Shenzhen, China.   Join the discussion? Are you concerned or excited about the rise of Chinese technology in Africa? Or Both? Let us know what you think?   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @yunnia | @seyramavle  Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   Sign up here if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. 

Africa's rising indebtedness to China is prompting concern across the continent that governments need to do a better job negotiating infrastructure financing deals. Too often, critics contend, the Chinese are simply out-maneuvering their African counterparts in the negotiating process. University of Oxford scholar Folashadé Soulé among the world's leading researchers on Sino-Africa negotiations. She joins Eric & Cobus to discuss her recent article that highlighted four recommendations on how African governments can negotiate better infrastructure deals with the Chinese. Join the discussion. Do you think if you African leaders take Folashadé's advice that they can get a better deal from the Chinese? Or, do you think the Chinese truly are engaging in a form of "predatory lending" and no matter what Africans do they will come up short? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @folasoule Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com LinkedIn: Eric | Cobus  And if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.

Given the tensions and controversies that have shaped China's decades-long engagement in Africa, it's a bit surprising that there are so few fictional books on the subject. For some reason, Africa's deep reservoir of talented writers has largely avoided using the Chinese presence on the continent as theme or character in their novels. The situation is similar in China, where the fictionalization of the Chinese presence in Africa is dominated by big blockbuster movies like Wolf Warrior II and Operation Red Sea. Zambian-born writer Mukuka Chipanta's 2016 book "A Casualty of Power" is the exception. Mukuka, who is also an aerospace engineer in the United States, tells the story of a young Zambian college student, Hamoonga Moya, who was falsely imprisoned and then upon his release goes to work in a Chinese copper mine. The story talks about the tensions between African workers and their Chinese supervisors are simmering over wages and unsafe working conditions and there’s a tipping point when a horrific accident sparks a bloody riot.   Mukuka joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his book and why he thinks there aren't more China-Africa themed novels.   Join the discussion? Do you think the China-Africa relations presents an interesting backdrop for writers and novelists to integrate into their stories? If not, why? Let us know what you think.   Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @chipanta Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com LinkedIn: Eric | Cobus   A Casualty of Power is available for purchase on Amazon.com   And if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.

In this special episode of the China in Africa Podcast, Eric & Cobus look back on the most important stories of 2018. Not surprisingly, debt dominated the agenda as key stakeholders on both sides began to show signs of concern that China is lending too much and Africa is borrowing way more than it can reasonably handle. Join the discussion. What do you think were the top China-Africa stories of 2018?  Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com   And if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.

Pretty much every major economic indicator suggests that the Chinese economy will continue its downward momentum in 2019. Industrial production, retail sales, and even the once red-hot property market are all showing real signs of weakness. Some economists even believe that economic growth in China next year will even fall below the psychologically important six percent level. This is all potentially very troubling news for Africa that is becoming increasingly dependent on the Chinese market to buy its resources and as the primary source of investment capital. And in several African countries, the value of local currencies is effectively linked to Chinese economic data. The South African rand, for example, is valued in line with almost everything that happens in the Chinese economy.  This shouldn't come as a tremendous surprise given China's outsized role in South Africa and as Africa's predominant trading partner. Beijing-based economist Jeremy Stevens closely studies the Chinese economy and its impact on African risk for his clients at Standard Advisory China, a unit of Africa's largest bank Standard Bank. He joins Eric this week to discuss the Chinese economic outlook for 2019 and what the implications are for Chinese trade and investment with Africa. Join the discussion. Are you concerned about what will happen if China's economy begins to slow and Chinese slow their buying of African exports? Or do you think this is a good opportunity for Africans to wean themselves from being too dependent on the China market and Chinese loans in particular? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com   If you would like to subscribe to Jeremy's excellent Inside China email newsletter, please email him directly: jeremy.stevens@standardbank.com.cn    And if you would like to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.

Amid rising concern over surging debt levels in Africa and costly infrastructure projects that are economically unsustainable, both Chinese and a number of African governments are now beginning to re-evaluate their approach on how to pay for large-scale infrastructure projects. This week Eric and Cobus discuss the increasingly contentious politics of financing African infrastructure and rising Chinese political pressure at home for more accountability in response to big losses on African projects, especially new railways in East Africa. For more on this topic, don't miss the excellent reporting by Financial Times reporters David Pilling and Emily Feng in their recent story Chinese investments in Africa go off the rails (paywall). Join the discussion. Do you think African governments should limit borrowing from China to build badly-needed infrastructure or do you think critics and the media are blowing a few isolated instances out of proportion? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com   Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.

London-based independent journalist Ismail Einashe joins Eric & Cobus to talk about his latest reporting trip to Africa where he wrote about China's deteriorating standing in several African countries, most notably Kenya and Zambia. Ismail has covered the China-Africa relationship for a number of years, reporting for news organizations in the U.S., the Middle East, and Europe, and has noticed that in recent months there's been a discernible shift in how many African stakeholders view ties with China. Some of Ismail's previous China-Africa reporting includes: South China Morning Post: How Mandarin is conquering Africa via Confucius Institutes and giving China a soft-power advantage NPR: Trump's Insults Will Nudge African Nations Closer To China Join the discussion. Do you think the rising anti-Chinese sentiment in places like Kenya and Zambia are representative of a broader shift in perceptions about the Chinese in Africa or do you think overall the relationship is stable and the problems in certain countries are overblown? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @IsmailEinashe Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com   Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.  

This week Dr. Stacey Links joins Eric & Cobus from Amsterdam to discuss her research in the role that human rights plays within the broader China-Africa relationship. Stacey, a South African native, recently completed her Ph.D. on the subject at the University of Utrecht in the Netherlands. She explains why the human rights dimension of the China-Africa discourse is "partial, misleading and incomplete." Join the discussion. Are you concerned about the lack of attention that Chinese and African leaders place on human rights or do you think it's good the way it is where trade and investment are the main priorities? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com   Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.

In this week's show, we bring you two perspectives on the promise and peril of increased Chinese technology investment in Africa. Harriet Kariuki is an emerging markets analyst in Kenya where she surveys the digital landscape and local start-up scene to identify investment opportunities for foreign companies, including many from China. Harriet also writes extensively on China-Africa tech issues on LinkedIn where she discusses both the promise and peril of Chinese technology investment on the continent. Not surprisingly, in Beijing, there's a very different outlook on these issues and the African market as a whole, according to Zahra Baitie, the China Director at the consultancy Development Reimagined and a co-founder of the events company Kente and Silk. Her next event, Riding the Technology Disruption Wave in Africa, will take place in Beijing on November 22 and will feature an introduction to the African start-up ecosystem along with an overview of the opportunities and challenges that await Chinese tech investors on the continent. Join the discussion. How do you feel about the growing Chinese tech presence in Africa? Are you excited that African consumers are finally getting to access many of the same services that have long been available in other markets around the world? Or, are you more concerned about the privacy and surveillance issues that accompany these new technologies? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @harriet_kariukz LinkedIn: Harriet Kariuki | Zahra Baitie Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com   Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.

Known as the "quiet community," the Chinese in South Africa have built complex social and business networks that largely exist outside of the margins of the country's fractious racial and political landscape. That is now beginning to change with China's emergence as South Africa's most important trading partner and one of the country's largest sources of foreign direct investment.  Barry van Wyk, Project Coordinator of the Africa-China Reporting Project at the University of Witwatersrand in Johannesburg, focused on two specific areas, law enforcement and in-language local Chinese media, that have been little-understood by outsiders. Barry joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the findings for his upcoming paper and addresses some of the more controversial aspects of the Chinese community's ties with the Chinese government. Join the discussion and let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @witschinaafrica Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com   Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here. Disclosure: The China Africa Project is a grant recipient of the Africa-China Reporting Project at Wits University. Click here for more information.

  Yu-Shan Wu, a researcher at the Africa-China Research Project at Wits University joins Eric and Cobus this week to discuss a recent paper that she co-wrote with Cobus and professor Chris Alden from the London School of Economics about Africa's role, or agency, in the ongoing debt trap debate. Join the discussion. How do you see Africa's positioning in this discussion? Do you agree with the Western narrative that African leaders are being victimized by predatory Chinese lending practices or do you think they have agency and are acting rationally in their country's national interest? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @yushan_wu  Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com   Read their paper here: Ties between African countries and China are complex. Understanding this matters   Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.

Dr. Obert Hodzi, a scholar at Boston University's African Studies Center and a postdoctoral researcher at the University of Helsinki joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his new book "The End of China's Non-Intervention Policy in Africa" and why he thinks this major Chinese policy shift is happening in Africa faster than in other parts of the world. Join the discussion. Are you concerned about China’s move away from non-interventionism in Africa and elsewhere or do you think Beijing is right to protect its overseas interests? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @oberthom Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com   Amazon: The End of China's Non-Intervention Policy in Africa   Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.   Eric & Cobus believe in being fully-transparent. Click here to find out more about their backgrounds and all relevant disclosure information.

Walter Ruigu, Managing Director of Beijing-based China-Africa Merchant Advisors, joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the current state of Sino-African trade relations. In particular, he explains why the data that indicates a dramatic slowdown in two-way trade is misleading due to distortions related to Chinese purchases of African oil.   Join the discussion. Are you concerned about the state of China-Africa trade and how Chinese products are pouring into African markets? Or do you share Walter's optimism that China presents a tremendous opportunity for African exporters? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @wruigu Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com   Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.   For more information about Eric & Cobus and the China Africa Project, click on our new About page for details.

U.S. president Donald Trump signed the Better Utilization of Investments Leading to Development, also known as the BUILD Act, into law on October 5th, creating a powerful new development finance organization that is aimed at challenging China’s dominance in lending to developing countries. The law combines two existing organizations, the United States Overseas Private Investment Corporation (OPIC) and USAID’s Development Credit Authority to a form a new entity called the International Development Finance Corporation (IDFC) with $60 billion in its coffers.   Washington, D.C.-based Africa analyst at the Atlantic Council and an avid IDFC supporter Aubrey Hruby joins Eric & Cobus to provide a high-level introduction to the IDFC and how its lending strategy will differ markedly from what the Chinese are doing in Africa and other emerging markets.   Join the discussion. Are you happy that the U.S. is now getting into the development finance game to provide a new financing alternative for African businesses? Or do you think it’s a bit “too little, too late” from the United States after the Trump administration’s questionable commitment to Africa (remember what he said about those s***hole countries and when he made up a country called “Nambia”?). Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject  Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @AubreyHruby Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com   Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.   For more information about Eric & Cobus and the China Africa Project, click on our new About page for details.

This week Eric and Cobus discuss the recent surge of anti-Chinese sentiment in Zambia where public anger is on the rise against politicians in both Lusaka and Beijing. Critics accuse both governments of not being sufficiently transparent about debt and whether core Zambian infrastructure assets are at risk. The heightened anxiety about the Chinese in Zambia is also reflected in the growing number of sensationalist, rumor-fueled news and social media stories about supposed Chinese transgressions. Join the discussion. What do you think is behind the rise of anti-Chinese sentiment in Zambia? Legitimate concerns about debt and transparency or do you think false news stories and foreign government agendas may also play a role? Let us know. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com   Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.    For more information about Eric & Cobus and the China Africa Project, please click here on our new About page.

Kai Xue, a Beijing-based attorney who specializes in outbound investment in developing countries, is among a growing number of Chinese analysts who is increasingly skeptical of the government’s rationale for committing so much money to Africa when there may better opportunities for Chinese investment elsewhere, particularly along the Belt and Road Initiative global trade route.   He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the current state of China-Africa relations and how the mood in China towards Africa appears to be changing.   Join the discussion. Do you share the concerns that the new $60 billion financial package is bad for China and Africa, or do you think the critics have it wrong? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com   Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here. 

Nairobi-based international development economist Anzetse Were suggests in a new paper for the South African Institute of International Affairs that Kenya's leaders, not China, should be the ones held accountable for borrowing too much money without a detailed, transparent plan on how to repay the loans. She joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the growing anti-Chinese backlash in Kenya and the country's' burgeoning economic crisis.  Join the discussion. Do you agree with Anzetse that African and Western critics of China's loans in Africa have it all wrong and that the burden of responsibility is with those in African capitals rather than in Beijing? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @anzetse Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here. 

Longtime China-Africa scholar Luke Patey, a senior researcher at the Danish Institute of International Affairs, is among a growing number of analysts who believe that the outcome of this year's FOCAC summit clearly demonstrated that Africa now has a diminished role in China's global economic agenda. Luke joins Eric & Cobus to discuss what's behind this trend and his provocative column in the Financial Times on why  the "Chinese Model is Failing Africa." Join the discussion. Do you agree with Luke and other scholars who suggest that we may have reached the peak of China's economic engagement in Africa as China now looks elsewhere for safer, more profitable investments? Or do you think these skeptics are wrong? Let us know. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProejct Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @LukePatey Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.  

Former CEO of the African Finance Corporation and current Quartz Africa columnist Andrew Alli joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why infrastructure financing will likely top the agenda at the Forum on China Africa Cooperation summit that convenes in Beijing on September 3. Join the discussion. Do you think it's wise for African leaders to borrow huge amounts of money from China to help jump-start industrial development, or are these leaders being reckless with their countries' economic futures by borrowing way too much money? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com   Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.

Environmental issues no longer appear to be a top priority in the China-Africa dialogue. While there have been a lot of discussions about health, military and media issues in the run-up to next month's FOCAC summit, there's been little to no mention of wildlife conservation, pollution or other green-related topics that were once a key focal point. China's 2018 decision to outlaw its domestic ivory trade eliminated what once was a highly-charged issue that long defined China-Africa environmental relations. While poaching remains a critical problem in many parts of Africa, it's no longer a potent diplomatic issue with the Chinese. Greenpeace East Asia's Head of Sustainable Finance, Calvin Quek, has been following this trend very closely and joins Eric & Cobus from Beijing to discuss what role green issues will play in next month's FOCAC summit. Join the discussion. Do you think African and Chinese leaders are right to emphasize economic and political issues more than environmental topics? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @clearroads Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.

Longtime China-Africa analyst and University of Pretoria Phd candidate Yushan Wu joins Eric & Cobus for a lively discussion on whether it still makes sense for China to put on big, fancy and very expensive mega summits with African leaders like FOCAC that will take place in Beijing in September. Facing a slowing economy and a potentially devastating trade war with the U.S., maybe China has more important things to do? That said, Africa presents a huge potential market and enormous geopolitical opportunities for Beijing in this time of profound geopolitical change.  Join the discussion? Do you think it makes sense to hold these elaborate get-togethers every three years? Instead, would it be better if China met either individually with each African country or through other forums like the African Union? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @yushan_wu Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.

With the Forum on China Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) summit now just weeks away, international press coverage of the event is now ramping up. Over the past several weeks, Eric & Cobus have done a number of interviews with journalists around the world about what to expect at the upcoming summit and a few discernable themes that emerged from their questions. This week, Eric and Cobus discuss the media perceptions of China in different parts of the world that will likely shape how people interpret the outcomes of next month's FOCAC summit. Join the discussion? Do you agree that different parts of the world view China in sharply different ways? What are the perceptions of China, the Chinese and FOCAC in your community? Let us know what you think? Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com  Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.

  W. Gyude Moore, Liberia’s former Minister of Public Works, recognizes that African countries are taking a huge risk by piling on ever-larger amounts of Chinese debt, but he thinks it’s worth it if the new roads, bridges and industrial parks can help spark economic growth needed to employ the continent’s bulging population of young people. Gyude joins Eric & Cobus to provide an insider’s perspective on the ongoing debate dangers of too much Chinese debt in Africa. Join the discussion. Do you agree with the IMF and the United States government that African countries should be wary of becoming too indebted to the Chinese or do you think African policymakers like Gyude Moore are right in their assessment that this is a risk worth taking? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @gyude_moore Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.

The opening of China's first overseas military base located in Djibouti is the most visible example of China's expanded security interests in Africa. However, behind the scenes, Chinese officials are moving to expand their relationships with African militaries across the continent.   Earlier this summer, 50 African military leaders spent two weeks in Beijing to attend the inaugural China-Africa Defense and Security Forum. The event was organized by the Chinese government in preparation for the upcoming Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) leaders summit that will take place in Beijing in September.    Wake Forest University China-Africa scholar Lina Benabdallah is among a growing number of experts who are carefully monitoring China's rapidly evolving security ties in Africa. Lina joins Eric & Cobus to talk about how China's military strategy in Africa differs so much from that of the United States and why she thinks African militaries are increasingly eager to work with their counterparts in the People's Liberation Army.   Join the discussion. What do you think of China's expanded military presence in Africa? Are you happy to hear that Beijing is stepping up its contribution to multinational peacekeeping on the continent or worried that yet another foreign power's armies will misbehave in Africa? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadeneseque | @LBenabdallah Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com   Read Lina's Washington Post column: China-Africa military ties have deepened. Here are 4 things to know.   Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.

This September 50 African leaders will arrive in Beijing for what is widely expected to be one of the most important international summits of the year. Billions of dollars in financial aid and loans along with China's broader strategic direction for the continent will be unveiled at the Forum on China Africa Cooperation leaders summit. But the summit will take a place a delicate time for Chinese president Xi Jinping, where he is confronting enormous challenges related to the ongoing trade war with the United States and, at the same time, huge opportunities to expand his country's role in global affairs. The New York-based Council on Foreign Relations' Asia Director, Dr. Elizabeth Economy, also author of the new book The Third Revolution: Xi Jinping and the New Chinese State, is one of the world's leading experts on Chinese foreign policy and joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the political backdrop surrounding the upcoming FOCAC summit in Beijing. Join the discussion? What do you think African leaders should be prepared for when they arrive in Beijing amid the ongoing U.S.-China trade war? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.chinaafricaproject.com Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.

It wasn't that long ago when most China-Africa scholars were white professors based in European or U.S. universities. That is no longer true anymore. A recent academic conference in Brussels showcased the new face of Sino-African academia that is younger, more ethnically and geographically diverse. One of the conference organizers, Solange Guo Chaterlard, a well-known China-Africa scholar herself, joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why this recent conference was so notable and her advice for students considering a career in academic research. Join the discussion. Have you noticed that China-Africa scholarship has become more diverse among both faculty and students? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com Be sure to join our weekly email newsletter mailing list for a carefully curated selection of the week's top China-Africa news. Sign up here.

In the run-up to September's Forum on China Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) summit in Beijing, the Chinese government is sponsoring a series of forums to bring together different sectors. Last month, hundreds of journalists and African media leaders from 42 countries were in Beijing to take part in the 4th forum on China-Africa media cooperation. That was followed by a two-week long China-Africa defense and security forum that was attended by 50 African military chiefs. And this week, it was policy analysts' turn to visit Beijing to take part in a FOCAC-sponsored think tank forum.  Cobus, in his role as Senior China-Africa Researcher at the South African Institute of International Affairs, was invited to attend this year's think tank forum. He joins Eric from Beijing to discuss some of the key themes that were raised among Chinese and African scholars and whether we should expect to see some of these key messages emerge at the FOCAC leadership summit in September. Join the discussion. Let us know what you think about this week's show. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com  And be sure to sign up for our weekly email news digest that features a curated selection of the top China-Africa stories. Click here to sign up.

For the past year or so, senior U.S. government officials been accusing China of engaging in so-called “debtbook” diplomacy, a tactic that Washington contends intentionally burdens developing countries with billions of dollars of loans. When these countries, many of them some of the poorest in the world, invariably can’t pay them back, Beijing extracts concessions that further China’s geopolitical interests, according to the theory that is now widely held among U.S. politicians, academics, and strategists.   Just before they graduated with master’s degrees from the Harvard Kennedy School of Government, then students Gabrielle Chefitz and Sam Parker wrote a paper on the subject that went viral, at least among those in the close nit U.S. national security community. Sam and Gabrielle join Eric & Cobus to talk about China’s so-called “debt book diplomacy” strategy and how specifically how it applies in Africa.   Join the discussion. Do you agree with U.S. national security officials who believe that Beijing is intentionally burdening lesser developed countries in Africa and other regions with unsustainable amounts of debt? Or, instead, do you think the United States is misreading the situation for its own political gain as a way to scare countries from becoming too engaged with China? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @samwparker33 | @gchefitz Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com       Show Notes:   The Belfer Center for Science and International Affairs at the Harvard Kennedy School of Government: China's Strategic Leveraging of its Newfound Economic Influence and the Consequences for U.S. Foreign Policy by Sam Parker and Gabrielle Chifetz The Diplomat: China’s Debtbook Diplomacy: How China is Turning Bad Loans into Strategic Investments by Sam Parker and Gabrielle Chifetz CNN.com: China using 'debtbook diplomacy' to spread its strategic aims in Asia Pacific by Ben Westcott   Sign up today for the weekly China-Africa email newsletter: http://eepurl.com/dtNEij

The politics of aid in Africa are rapidly changing. The United States and Europe are under considerable political and budgetary pressure to curtail their assistance programs, while China is now emerging as a big player in the development sector on the continent. But don’t expect China to play by the same rules as legacy donors warns longtime aid expert Shantha Bloemen who spent more than 20 years working at UNICEF in Africa and Asia. Shantha joins Eric and Cobus to discuss China’s new aid agenda in Africa and how entire philosophy about aid & development is radically different from that of Western countries and international non-governmental organizations like the World Bank and IMF. Join the discussion. Are you concerned about China’s surging influence in the African aid space or do you think it’s time for a change of mindset in how African recipient countries interact with their donor partners? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @shanthabloemen LinkedIn: Eric Olander | Cobus van Staden | Shanta Bloemen Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com

A new AidData survey of nearly 3,500 policymakers in 126 developing countries that receive aid reveals China’s expanding foreign aid portfolio is translating into greater influence with leaders in those countries receiving that aid, but also that Beijing still trails far behind the U.S.   Eric & Cobus speak with the lead author of the study, AidData’s Director Policy Analysis Samantha Custer, to find out why China’s massive increase in both overseas aid and financial lending in recent years have not led to comparable growth in political influence on the ground in places like Africa.   Join the discussion. What do you think of China’s aid and lending practices in Africa? Do you agree with the study’s findings that show western countries and institutions remain dominant as the world’s most influential lenders? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @samanthajcuster Email: eric@chinaaafricaproject.com   Show Notes: AidData Policy Report: Listening to Leaders 2018: Is development cooperation tuned-in or tone-deaf? AidData Blog: China’s financial statecraft: Winning Africa one Yuan at a time?

More than 50 African leaders are expected to be in Beijing in September for the upcoming Forum on China Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) summit. While Africa’s largest and most strategically important countries will likely do very well, receiving huge financial packages, aid programs and more, smaller countries will have to fight for everything they get. In this episode, Eric & Cobus speak with Dr. Hodan Osman Abdi, an advisor in China to Somali president Mohamed Abdullahi Mohamed, on how she plans to ensure that Somalia's voice is heard at FOCAC.   Join the discussion. Is it healthy for China to have this summits every three years where the expectations are increasingly focused on ‘how much money will Beijing give this time?’ Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject   Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque |@DrHodanOsman   LinkedIn: Follow Eric for daily China-Africa discussions   Recommended Reading: Somaliland Press: Global Powers Race for Position in Horn of Africa This Day Live: FOCAC Beijing Summit Will Benefit China Nigeria Cooperation Xinhua: Zambia seeks more Chinese funding at upcoming FOCAC summit

A sizable portion of the 200+ billion dollars in China-Africa trade is the stuff that fills store shelves and market stalls across the continent. Clothes, electronics, cars, pots & pans, glasses and pretty much everything else that one can imagine is made in China and shipped to Africa. While these low-cost imports give consumers, many who have limited disposable income, once unimaginable choice, a lot of shoppers also complain that many of those products are often of such low quality that they quickly fall apart.   Consumers aren’t the only ones unhappy with the flood of cheap Chinese imported goods that are now pervasive across the continent. African manufacturers complain bitterly that they can’t match the so-called “China Price” that is often so low it forces local competitors to trim profit margins, cut staff or even go out of business. Textile producers are among those suffering the most.    One after another, apparel makers in northern Nigeria’s Kano state are closing shop. The region was once home to a thriving textile sector but with the advent globalization and the arrival of Chinese competitors, Kano’s manufacturers couldn’t compete. Unions and other Nigerian stakeholders put much of the blame for the demise of the region’s textile sector on the Chinese. But it’s not quite that simple.   Sure, those textiles and countless other products are all made in Chinese factories at super low prices. That much is true. Where it gets confusing, though, is how all that stuff makes its way to Africa, and in many instances it’s not Chinese traders importing goods into Nigeria, Kenya and South Africa among other places but Africans themselves.   Thousands of Africans live in China’s manufacturing hubs like Guangzhou and Yiwu, scrambling to fill shipping containers with all those products that ultimately find their way to store shelves and market stalls throughout Africa. It’s hard work. After all, China is not an easy place to do business, where middle-men battle ferociously over margins that are often measured in pennies not dollars. The language and cultural barriers between African traders and Chinese manufacturers are equally daunting. "If you don’t know what you’re doing in China, it’s very easy to lose a lot of money here,” said a trader from Ghana who asked to remain anonymous.   Nigerian Jideofor Ahaneku has pretty much seen it all when it comes to Chinese manufacturing and trade with Africa. The young entrepreneur came to China in 2014 to pursue an MBA at Nankai University in the eastern Chinese city of Tianjin. After graduation, he launched his own online business, Savannah & Joy, that sells Chinese goods to buyers in the U.K. and back home in Nigeria. But to get the lowest possible price, he had to cut out the middlemen and go to the factories himself to build relationships with the plant bosses. Since he started, Jideofor has visited almost thirty factories across China, picking up valuable insights along the way on how to source goods in China.   Jideofor joins Eric & Cobus to share five tips on what African traders need to know about manufacturing in China.    Join the discussion. Do you think African countries should allow for unfettered access to their markets for Chinese products who put enormous pressure on local producers? Or, do you think it’s great for consumers they have a wider selection of goods at a lower prices? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject   Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque   Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com

China’s cultural footprint in Africa has lagged far behind its surging economic engagement across the continent. Now, there are indications that may be beginning to change.    Chinese movies and TV shows are now easily accessible in dozens of countries thanks to the spectacular growth of Chinese-run digital TV provider StarTimes; freely-distributed Chinese-produced news content is now seamlessly embedded into countless African newspapers/TV programs and digital publications. All of this may help explain in part, why there appears to be a growing interest among African students to learn Mandarin.   Although studying Chinese has been quite popular among elites in the United States and Europe, it’s been slow to gain traction in Africa. A 2015 effort to include Mandarin as part of South Africa’s national curriculum prompted a passionate backlash, and elsewhere on the continent interest was essentially non-existent. Not so on college campuses, though, where demand for Chinese language classes is rising fast.   Students at 40 universities across the continent are filling classrooms for Mandarin language courses that are all underwritten by the Chinese government. The classes and course materials are all free and take place on campus at centers known as Confucius Institutes. These Confucius Institutes play a central role in China’s soft-power diplomacy push, not just in Africa,  but in countries around the world.    With education budgets under strain in many countries, the opportunity to have a fully-paid Chinese language program seems irresistible to many school administrators. But there’s a catch. The curriculum at the Confucius Institutes is not set by the host university but instead reflects the priorities of the Chinese government. This has prompted concerns about academic freedom in the United States and in some European universities but, so far, not in Africa.   London-based freelance journalist Ismail Einashe traveled to Cheikh Anta Diop University in Dakar, Senegal earlier this year to report on the growing popularity of Mandarin education at Confucius Institutes. His story, recently published in the independent Hong Kong-based South China Morning Post newspaper, reveals widespread enthusiasm for Confucius Institute programs and none of the apprehensions that are more common on western university campuses.    In this edition of the podcast, Ismail joins Eric & Cobus to talk about the politics of language education in Africa and why he thinks Mandarin language courses are becoming increasingly popular. Join the discussion? What do you think about the spread of Chinese language and culture education in Africa? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject   Twitter: @ismaileinashe | @eolander | @stadenesque   Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com

Fifty-two African leaders will meet with their Chinese counterparts in Beijing this September for the triennial Forum on China Africa Cooperation summit. This fall’s FOCAC gathering comes at a critical time in the Sino-African relationship as Xi Jinping’s Belt and Road Initiative (BRI) gains momentum, putting new pressures on Chinese trade and investment flows to Africa as PRC companies increasingly diversify their investment portfolios in other regions.   Typically the big headline that emerges from FOCAC summits focuses on how much money will the Chinese provide Africa in loans, grants and other financial assistance. The figure has steadily increased over the years from $5 billion in 2006, to $10 billion in 2009, and to $20 billion in 2012. At the 2015 summit in Johannesburg, Beijing tripled its previous financial commitment to an eye-popping $60 billion. But a growing number of analysts are wondering now if Beijing will, or even should offer these staggeringly-large financial packages.    Now that the BRI is up and running, the Chinese are spending huge amounts of money on infrastructure development in central Asia, the Persian Gulf, South Asia and pretty much everywhere along the Belt and Road trade route. Africa, particularly Kenya, Egypt and Djibouti, are no doubt significant points along the route, but they’re definitely not central to the broader plan. So that has some wondering if Beijing will begin to divert funds away from places like Africa to other destinations along the Belt and Road trade route.   The more difficult question to consider is whether China should offer African countries these vast sums of money. Remember that a lot of the funds in these packages are not unconditional grants, they’re interest-bearing loans that have to be re-paid. With surging debt levels, largely to Chinese lenders, in places like Kenya, Uganda, Angola and Ghana among others, there are real worries African countries are taking on too much debt that will be difficult, if not impossible, to repay. For their part, policymakers in these countries refute these concerns by pointing out that most of these Chinese loans are being used to build vital infrastructure that will ultimately help spark economic growth, thereby making it possible to pay back the loans. It’s a big gamble but one these lawmakers say they have no choice but to take given the bulging population of young people who need to be employed.   Although little is known about the FOCAC agenda in advance, based on previous summits it’s safe to assume the 2018 forum will cover a wide range of issues including academic exchanges, aviation laws, wildlife conservation and more. This week, Eric & Cobus offer their view on what either will likely be on the agenda or should be even if some of the issues are not explicitly discussed by the dozens of presidents and prime ministers in attendance.   Join the discussion. What do you want African and Chinese leaders to talk about when they get together in September? Corruption? Trade? Investment? Job training? Labor policies? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject   Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque   Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com   LinkedIn: Eric | Cobus

China’s infrastructure building spree in Africa is now visible in dozens of countries across the continent. Big signs that advertise the names of Chinese state-owned contractors hangover construction sites for roads, railways, airports and other projects. But out of sight, the Chinese are also leading another infrastructure building boom that is just as important, if not more, than the thousands of kilometers or roads they’re building.   Chinese tech companies are now the most important players in Africa’s rapid emergence as of one of the world’s fastest growing digital markets. PRC companies, private and state-owned, are working with local telecom operators across Africa to build powerful new data hubs to accommodate the surge in internet traffic, wiring up the continent with new fiber optic connections and selling enormous quantities of low-cost smartphones that make it possible for millions of consumers to go online for the first time.   While all of this new connectivity is great and benefits tens of millions of people in a market that has long lagged behind the rest of the world, China’s increasingly indispensable role in Africa’s information market is also a source of serious concern. In particular, African human rights activists and political dissidents worry that the Chinese will import the same digital surveillance technology Beijing uses at home. China, after all, has built the world’s most controlled internet ecosystem that effectively monitors content and the movement of people with the help of advanced facial recognition and big data technologies among others.    Will the Chinese now bring that model to Africa?   Not according to Iginio Gagliardone, a new media and human rights researcher at both Wits University in Johannesburg and Oxford University in the United Kingdom. "After analyzing different cases in China’s contributions to the shaping of ICTs in Ethiopia, Kenya, and Ghana, I discovered that the contrary appears to be true,” he said in a new article he wrote for the University of Hong Kong’s website Asia Global Online. "China seems to have kept true to its pledge to support nationally rooted visions of the information society, rather than promoting template approaches,” he added.   But even though China may not be imposing its own approach to technology on African governments, that doesn’t mean that potentially dangerous Chinese technology isn’t making it into the hands of some of Africa’s not-so-democratic leaders. Case in point: Cloudwalk, a Chinese technology company based in Guangzhou, announced a deal in April to sell artificial intelligence-powered facial recognition systems to the government in Zimbabwe. Similarly, Chinese telecom giants Huawei and ZTE have also reportedly sold sophisticated digital surveillance technology to Ethio Telecom in Ethiopia, according to a 2014 report from Human Rights Watch.   Iginio joins Eric & Cobus to discuss China’s now central role in Africa’s information communications technology markets and whether there is a reason to be concerned. Join the discussion. Are you concerned about China’s growing role in the African tech scene or do you think that the concerns about surveillance and political suppression are unfounded? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject   Twitter: @eolander | @stadeneseque | @iginioe   Email: eric@chinaafricarproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com

Africans have long dreamed of trans-continental travel, allowing for people and goods to seamlessly move by road or rail from Cairo to Cape Town or Dakar to Djibouti. While a north-south transportation network is still unfathomable, an east-west corridor is actually taking shape thanks in part to massive amounts of Chinese financing. Large sections of a proposed network of highways, known as Trans-Africa Highways 5 and 6, that aims to connect Senegal in the east with Djibouti via Chad, have already been built. If fully completed, this new coast-to-coast road system would extend more than 8,700 kilometers. It's a hugely risky undertaking as host governments along the route are loading up on potentially dangerous levels of debt, largely from Chinese lenders. And, once the highways are built, maintaining them will be another massive undertaking, particularly in countries like Mali, Chad and Sudan who are all dealing with violent insurgencies. In this week's show, Cobus discusses his recent essay on how, despite the enormous challenges, China may actually help African states along this east-west corridor to achieve this long held dream of building a transport link. Join the discussion. Do you think it's worth the risk to try and build this trans-Africa highway or should these governments avoid taking on yet more Chinese debt? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com  

Dr. Lauren Johnston joins Eric & Cobus to discuss how China's rapidly aging population will benefit Africa. Dr. Johnston just finished a three-year research project at the University of Melbourne and is now a consultant for the World Bank in Beijing. She explains how China's growing legion of senior citizens is forcing the government to re-orient the entire economy by investing abroad, particularly in developing countries, while building sophisticated technologies at home to help offset the country's declining birthrate. Join the discussion? Do you think Africa is well-positioned to receive an influx of labor-intensive Chinese manufacturing? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com Want more China-Africa news? Sign up for our weekly email newsletter.

China has loaned Angola an estimated $60 billion dollars since the two countries established diplomatic relations back in 1983, making it one of the top destinations for Chinese financing in Africa. Angola is especially attractive for the Chinese because of its abundant oil reserves that it uses to pay back all those loans.  Under normal circumstances, Angola should be well-positioned to manage its finances: the money it earns from oil would be used to pay off its debts and the country's economic development. The problem is that Angola actually generates very little cash from its natural reserves because much of its oil is never sold on the open market and is instead used to pay off all the Chinese debt, prompting a severe liquidity crisis. That is, there just isn't enough actual cash circulating in the economy which also explains why Angola struggles with some of the highest inflation rates in the world. The government then goes back to Beijing to borrow yet more money and the problem worsens.  With oil prices now bubbling around their 12-month high, China's loans to Angola are probably quite secure... for now. The problem comes if oil prices fall sharply, as they did in 2015, which would make it much harder for Angola to repay its massive debts to all those Chinese banks. This would likely replay what happened to the Chinese in Venezuela. Just as with Angola, Beijing loaned Caracas around $60 billion with guaranteed repayments in oil rather than cash. Deals like that made sense when the price of oil was at $100 a barrel, not at $50 and below. Since oil prices cratered a few years ago, the Venezuelan economy has since imploded and China is no doubt being forced to write off billions in losses. Their experience in Venezuela should offer a cautionary lesson to the Chinese when considering the vast amounts of money they are continuing to lend to Angola under many of the same circumstances. Ana Cristina Dias Alves is an assistant professor at Nanyang Technological University in Singapore where she is one of the world's leading experts on Sino-Angola relations. She joins Cobus to explain why this relationship is so important to China and how it might change under Angola's new president João Lourenço. Join the discussion. Are you worried about Angola's massive indebtedness to China or do you think Luanda has now become 'too big to fail,' and as such, will ultimately be bailed out by the Chinese to avoid another fiasco like that in Venezuela? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com | cobus@chinaafricaproject.com   

For much of the past twenty years, China's strategy in Africa could easily be summarized in two words: invest and extract. Today, that is no longer the case as China's agenda in Africa, and throughout much of the global south, has broadened significantly in pursuit of Beijing's military, humanitarian and geopolitical interests. While investment and resource extraction still play an important role in China's African policy, these economic motivators are definitely not as important as they were even just a few years ago. Evidence of this can be found in the Sino-African trade and FDI data that reveal steady declines over the past several years. Whereas five to ten years ago, Chinese companies didn't have as many options on where they could invest, so Africa's relatively open markets were rather appealing. Now, with the development of Beijing's hugely ambitious One Belt, One Road (OBOR) global trade initiative, the government is "encouraging" (read: pressuring) Chinese companies to diversify their investments to support OBOR in other parts of the world including Central and South Asia, the Middle East and Eastern Europe among other regions. Although China may be losing some interest in Africa in terms of trade and economics, that does not necessarily mean that the continent's overall importance to Chinese foreign policy is diminishing. The recent state visits in Beijing of leaders from Cameroon, Namibia, and Zimbabwe, all in just the past month, suggests that Chinese president Xi Jinping places a high degree of importance on his government's relations with Africa, both at the national and regional levels. "I would say the political-military relationship is the emerging area of interest that I think we are going to see more in the future," said Joshua Eisenman, a China-Africa scholar at the University of Texas in Austin and a senior fellow for China studies at the American Foreign Policy Council in Washington, D.C. Professor Eisenman is among a growing number of scholars who are carefully watching the evolution of China-Africa relations in the new Xi Jinping era. He joins Eric & Cobus to talk about what to expect in the coming months as both Africans and Chinese officials prepare for the upcoming Sino-Africa mega-summit, the Forum on China Africa Cooperation, that will take place in Beijing in September. Join the discussion. Are you encouraged or more concerned about the evolving Chinese strategy in Africa that is shifting away from economics to focus more on political/military issues? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @joshua_eisenman Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com Get a curated digest of the week's top China-Africa stories delivered straight to your inbox with our weekly email newsletter. Click here to subscribe.    

Every year China's two major legislative bodies convene for what is typically a rather boring, uneventful gathering to ratify the president's agenda. This annual ritual, known commonly as the "Two Sessions," is when the National People's Congress, the mostly-rubber stamp parliament, convenes at the same time as the Chinese People’s Political Consultative Conference, a Communist Party-led advisory body.  Normally, these kinds of legislative gatherings don't generate much interest outside of China, especially in Africa, as they were largely seen as irrelevant given Beijing's once limited role in world affairs. Not anymore. Nairobi-based international development economist Anzetse Were is among a growing number of analysts who contend Africans need to pay more attention to what happens at events like the "Two Sessions" gatherings given China's large and growing importance in African trade and development. Were identified three key developments from this year's events that were especially relevant for Africa: the elimination of presidential term limits along with the creation of two new agencies to coordinate international aid and a separate one to enforce the country's ongoing anti-corruption campaign. Were joins Eric & Cobus to discuss how these recent political developments will potentially impact Africa. Join the discussion. Do you agree with Were's contention that Africans needs to pay more attention to what happens in Beijing? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @anzetse Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com   

The Marvel superhero blockbuster Black Panther generated a respectable $100 million at the Chinese box office in March, making it the film's top overseas market. The movie had a very strong opening in China, earning more than $60 million during its first but then dropped off quickly. The seemingly sharp fall in attendance prompted Western media outlets to write a series of articles suggesting that Chinese moviegoers objected to Black Panther because of its all-black leading cast. “A torture for the eyes: Chinese moviegoers think Black Panther is just too black," read Quartz reporter Echo Huang's dismally-sourced story where she relied on online movie review sites, often filled with troll-like comments, as evidence of Chinese racism towards black people. Not surprisingly, Huang's article went viral and sparked a lively discussion on social media about the supposedly pervasive racism in China towards black people. That Quartz story and others that linked Black Panther's box office performance to Chinese racial attitudes toward black people was quickly challenged by other media outlets, social media influencers and scholars who all highlighted that Chinese reaction to the film was nowhere as racially-tinged as had been suggested.  "Cherry-picking negative posts on an anonymous reviews site isn’t a particularly fair way to assess Chinese attitudes toward black people (and one is likely to find plenty of racist comments on English language online chats too)," said San Franciso-based writer Jeff Yang in response to the Western media's reporting on Black Panther's supposedly lackluster response in China. Roberto Castillo couldn't agree more with Yang. Castillo, an assistant professor at Ling Nan University in Hong Kong, is one of the leading scholars on the African diaspora in China with a particular focus on African and black media perceptions in the PRC. He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the Chinese response to Black Panther and why the Western media continues to misunderstand Chinese racial views towards black people. Join the discussion. What do you think of how Chinese moviegoers responded to Black Panther and the broader issue of Chinese perceptions of black and African people in the media? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @castillorocas     

There's been a discernible change in how the Chinese government responds to criticism about their policies in Africa, particularly from other major powers like the U.S. Until recently, Chinese officials often avoided direct conflict with its critics, opting instead for low-key responses from official spokespeople in Beijing. Not anymore. China's ambassador to South Africa, Lin Songtian, is at the forefront of this new, more aggressive strategy. For the second time in two months, Ambassador Lin convened a press conference in Cape Town in February to rebut allegations that Beijing was spying on the African Union headquarters and then again in March he held another media event to push back against former U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson's warnings to African governments about the risks of taking on too much Chinese debt. Ambassador Lin is by no means the only Chinese official engaging the media on these issues but he is certainly the most pointed in his attacks. It would have been unthinkable just a few years ago for a senior official like Ambassador Lin to hold live, unscripted press conferences in a foreign country to take on China's critics. Eric & Cobus discuss how this radical departure from China's earlier media engagement strategy no doubt reflects president Xi Jinping's desire to project a more confident Chinese posture in its foreign policy. Join the discussion. Have you noticed the more robust Chinese media response? Do you think it's good PRC leaders now are challenging their critics in the media and in Western governments? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com 

There is a certain irony when a U.S. envoy travels to Africa to warn his hosts about the dangers of borrowing money from China. The United States, after all, is the world's most indebted country and borrows more from China than any other nation in the world. In fact, China owns more than a trillion dollars of U.S. debt, nearly 20% of Washington's $6.3 trillion of outstanding debt owned by foreigners. So while it may seem obvious that U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson is probably not the best person to lecture other countries on the merits of fiscal discipline, that apparently was not the case during the Secretary's most recent visit to Africa. "It is important that African countries carefully consider the terms of those agreements (with China) and not forfeit their sovereignty," said Tillerson at a press conference in Addis Ababa midway through his five-nation African tour. Tillerson then went on to speculate that if a Chinese-financed loan "gets into trouble," African borrowers could then "lose control of its own infrastructure or its own resources through default." He did provide any evidence to support this assertion. The issue of Africa's surging debt levels is indeed an important concern and there is some validity to the concern that when any country, large or small, borrows too much money then sovereignty issues can arise. The main point here is whether the United States, given its own massive indebtedness to the Chinese, is well-positioned to make this a central focal point of its engagement strategy in Africa. Brooks Spector, for his part, doesn't think so. The Johannesburg-based former U.S. diplomat is now an Associate Editor at the Daily Maverick newspaper, one of South Africa's most well-respected publications, where he writes extensively on U.S.-Africa politics. Brooks joins Eric to discuss Tillerson's recent African trip and the politics of debt. Join the discussion. Do you agree with Tillerson's warnings to African nations about the dangers of borrowing too much money from China? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com  

The small, scaly pangolin is the world's most trafficked animal. Poachers in Africa are capturing and killing vast numbers of these animals and illegally shipping them to markets throughout Asia, but mostly in China and Vietnam. In 2017 the Africa-China Reporting Project at Wits University in Johannesburg collaborated with HK01, a Hong Kong news agency, and Anu Nkeze Paul, an environmental journalist in Cameroon, to investigate both the African supply side and the Asian demand side of the illegal trade in pangolin products. Karen Chang is an investigative reporter at HK01 who did a lot of the research for this project on the Chinese side where she spoke with pangolin buyers in the southern province of Guangdong. She joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the vast scale of the pangolin trade and what she thinks can be done to reduce demand for this endangered animal. Join the discussion. What do you should be done, and more importantly, can be done to control illegal wildlife trafficking between Africa and China? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @Africa China Reporting Project Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com 

Former Hong Kong home affairs secretary Patrick Ho Chi-ping pleaded not guilty last month to corruption charges brought by a U.S. federal court in New York after he was accused of offering bribes worth a total of $2.9 million to prominent African leaders and ministers. Ho is being tried in the United States on account of his alleged use of the American banking system to facilitate bribes on behalf of his Chinese corporate clients. The Ho case, like that of the notorious China-Africa dealmaker Sam Pa who is also in custody awaiting trial, reveals what a lot of experts believe is the dark underside of China's engagement in Africa: corruption. The allegations of Chinese bribery in Africa highlights the sharp contrast with how corruption is dealt with severely at home under president Xi Jinping's high-profile anti-corruption crackdown and the more relaxed view Beijing seemingly has regarding overseas financial misdeeds. China, like the U.S. and Europe, does have anti-foreign bribery laws on its books but they are rarely enforced according to some experts. CNN International journalist Jenni Marsh has been covering the Patrick Ho story from Hong Kong where interest in the case is especially high. Jenni joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why Ho's alleged crimes may represent a much bigger trend within the China-Africa relationship.  Join the discussion. Are you concerned about reports of Chinese corruption in Africa or are the Chinese just playing the game the way everyone else does on the continent? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject  Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @JenniCNN Email: eric@chinaafricarproject.com  

China is pushing back hard against accusations that it spied on the African Union headquarters for the past five years. According to a January report in the French newspaper Le Monde, China hacked the AU's computer networks and installed listening devices in the building that was financed and constructed by Chinese companies back in 2012.   It is likely that officials in Beijing immediately recognized that the stakes were incredibly high and that they had to get ahead of a story like this or else risk a rapid erosion of their credibility in Africa. As Chinese companies build out critical infrastructure, including data networks, communications systems and government buildings in a number of African capitals, billions of dollars in contracts could be in jeopardy if Chinese companies became associated with state-backed espionage.   This week, Eric & Cobus discuss the aftermath of the AU-spy story and what it possibly indicates about the future of China's communications strategy in Africa.   Join the discussion? Do you think these kinds of allegations hurt the Chinese in Africa or, as Beijing suggests, is it just sour grapes from the West who are increasingly concerned about China's surging engagement across Africa? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject   Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque   Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com  

Over the past 10 years Chinese leaders have made 79 official visits to 43 different African countries, according to new data from the Beijing-based consultancy Development Reimagined. Where the senior leadership goes offers some fascinating insights on China's priorities in Africa. Hannah Ryder is the founder of Development Reimagined and led the research on Chinese official travel to Africa to produce a compelling new infographic detailing the past decade of Chinese travel patterns across the continent. Hannah joins Eric & Cobus to discuss some of the surprising findings that she discovered in her research on what African countries Chinese officials seem to prioritize over others. Join the discussion? In this era of digital connectivity, do you think it matters that Chinese officials appear to spend a lot more time in Africa than their counterparts from the U.S., Europe and Japan? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @hmryder Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com  

Erich Schwartzel, the Wall Street Journal's film industry reporter in Los Angeles, joins Eric & Cobus to discuss China's push to become a global power in the entertainment business. The billions of dollars that Chinese companies have invested in Hollywood combined with its own massive domestic film market, soon to be the world's largest, gives the Chinese a distinct advantage as they seek to open new markets in Africa, the Middle East and other points along the "One Belt, One Road" global trade network that Beijing is developing. Join the discussion. Do you think China can become the next entertainment powerhouse? Will audiences around the world flock to Chinese-made content the same way they devour Korean, Mexican and U.S. entertainment media? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @erichschwartzel Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com Show Notes: WSJ: China Recreates the Silk Road to Challenge Hollywood by Erich Schwartzel Variety: Chinese Companies Are Still Taking Hollywood’s Calls, but With Caution by Patrick Frater  

Somali-British freelance journalist Ismail Einahse joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his recent opinion column "Trump's Insults Will Nudge African Nations Closer To China." The article, published on NPR.org, reflects a contentious debate going on about the future of U.S. foreign policy in Africa and whether the void left by Washington's apparent retreat will be filled by the Chinese. Join the discussion. Do you think Donald Trump's vulgar comments are pushing Africans and their governments to look to China? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @ismaileinashe Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com  

Chris Alden, professor of international relations and China-Africa scholar, joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his new book "Seeking Security: China’s Expanding Involvement in Security Cooperation in Africa." Join the discussion. Are you concerned about China’s surging military presence in Africa or do you think it’s helpful that China is doing more to contribute to global stability and conflict resolution in some of the world’s most vulnerable countries? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com

Africa is emerging as a “proxy platform” for Asia’s great powers as each moves to improve their positions at home through greater influence abroad, according to Asia-Africa researcher Mandira Bagwandeen. “Competitive connectivity projects in, and via, Africa amongst China, India and Japan, places Asia’s regional powers in even greater competition with each other,” she wrote recently in a column published by the Centre for Chinese Studies at Stellenbosch University in South Africa.   Mandira joins Eric & Cobus to discuss how Asia’s great powers are battling for greater political and economic influence in Africa. Join the discussion. Are you getting that sense that we’ve seen this before when some of the most powerful countries in the world set their sites on Africa? Is it different today than it was hundreds of years ago when Europeans were scrambling for Africa? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject   Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque   Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com

Zoe Huang is a researcher and development director at the independent non-profit organization China House Kenya that works to help bridge the divide between Chinese companies and African stakeholders. Last fall, she co-authored a column for the Chinese newspaper Global Times on how Chinese companies can “Tell a Better Story in Africa" and specifically on how they can better communicate with local communities and the press on their activities across the continent.    Uncharacteristically for a Chinese Communist Party controlled news outlet, Zoe’s column included a number of critical reflections on Chinese corporate behavior in Africa. Among her recommendations include:   1) Chinese companies need to do more to understand the needs of local communities 2) Chinese companies largely do not understand how to effectively work with African media outlets 3) Chinese companies and embassies in Africa do not spend enough time to understand the needs of what local NGOs require, when sometimes it’s not actually money but support and positive engagement with the Chinese community.   Zoe joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the various social and cultural challenges that continue to bedevil Sino-African relations and how a new generation of younger Chinese expats in Africa is bringing badly-needed change.    Join the discussion. Do you think Chinese companies and embassies in Africa are effectively communicating their positions? How much of it just boils down to language and culture differences and how much do you think may be related to other motives like profit. Let us know.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject   Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque   Show Notes: Global Times: How to tell a better China story in Africa by Huang Hongxiang and Zoe Huang Deutsche Welle: China-backed Kribi port project in Cameroon leaves locals frustrated

Freelance journalist William Davison joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his reporting from the Hawassa Industrial Park in Ethiopia which is the latest high stakes gamble taken by a number of African countries to lure Chinese manufacturers. Officials spent $250 million to build this new park in the hope that it will attract foreign manufacturers and create some 200,000 badly-needed jobs for the region’s bulging youth population. So far, 18 companies including apparel giant PVH, the U.S. owner of brands such as Calvin Klein and Tommy Hilfiger, have set up shop in HIP.   Join the discussion. Do you think African governments should be spending so much money to attract Chinese and other foreign manufacturers or is this just a big waste of money? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject   Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @wdavison10   Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com  

2017 was an eventful year in China-Africa relations. Overall the two sides remain deeply engaged with one another, however indications began to emerge this year that the relationship is undergoing a profound change. No longer can we expect to see steadily rising China-Africa trade volumes as prices for many African commodity were largely flat in 2017 and China also started to diversify its investment portfolio to other regions around the world, particularly those along the “One Belt, One Road” trade route. Instead, China’s engagement in Africa expanded in new, many non-economic ways, that have the potential to re-shape this critically important geo-political relationship.   The opening of China’s first overseas military installation in Djibouti, Beijing’s new law to ban ivory trading and Chinese president Xi Jinping’s commitment to expand support for UN humanitarian operations in Africa are all evidence of how China in 2017 appeared to be broaden its policy in Africa beyond its initial focus on natural resource extraction.   In this special edition of the China in Africa Podcast, Eric & Cobus discuss their picks for the top three stories of 2017 and provide their outlook for what’s ahead in 2018 for China-Africa ties.   Eric’s picks for the top three stories of 2017:   3) The launch of two highly-anticipated new Chinese-built railways in Kenya and Ethiopia. 2) The visit to Beijing by Zimbabwean military chief General Constantino Chiwenga one week before the overthrow of former president Robert Mugabe. 1) The opening of the new Chinese navy base Djibouti, Beijing’s first-ever overseas military facility.   Cobus’ picks for the top three stories of 2017: 3) Chinese museum accused of racism over photos pairing Africans with animals 2) China’s ban on the ivory trade 1) The launch of Chinese-built railways in Kenya and Ethiopia along with the construction of the new rail lines in Nigeria.   Join the discussion. Do you agree with Eric & Cobus’ picks for the top stories of 2017? What do you think should make the list? Let us know.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject   Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque   Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com  

Anzetse Were is a Nairobi-based international development economist and newspaper columnist who is increasingly worried about a resurgence of autocratic rule in Africa. Buoyed by the United States' apparent receding interest in promoting democratic and civil society values around the world, Africa's authoritarian leaders are now seemingly taking comfort in their countries' deepening ties with China. Beijing, for its part, makes a point of not meddling in the internal affairs of other countries which comes as welcome news for those countries that now depend more on the PRC for trade and investment. Anzetse joins Eric & Cobus to discuss her concerns about rising authoritarian rule in Africa and why this should matter to China. Join the discussion: do you share Anzetse concerns that democracy is in retreat in Africa? Do you think China or other foreign powers have any responsibility for the political futures of African states? Let us know what you think: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @Anzetse Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com Show Notes: ChinaFile: What Does Mugabe’s Resignation Mean for China? Slate: Diplomatic Offensive While America Sits on the Sidelines South China Morning Post: What the Mugabe Coup Says About China's Plans for Africa Catch up on previous episodes and sign up for the weekly China in Africa email newsletter at www.chinaafricaproject.com. 

Former Zimbabwe President Robert Mugabe was long described by Chinese leaders as their 'old friend' in Africa. Mugabe's relationship with the Chinese dated back half a century when China supported anti-colonial guerrillas with weapons and training. Longstanding relationships like this are very important to Chinese officials, far more so than in other governments, but as the dramatic political upheaval in Zimbabwe demonstrates, even old friendships have their limits. Zimbabwe's newly-appointed president Emmerson Mnangagwa is a familiar face in Beijing. Like his former patron, he too spent a lot of time in the 1960s in China, training with Chinese officials and using their largesse to fight for independence from the British. After his relationship with Mugabe soured in November 2017, Mnangagwa fled to Beijing in the run-up to the military's take over of the government. Mnangagwa represents the kind of political change that officials in Beijing are much more comfortable with than the the volatile populist uprisings that swept across North Africa and the Middle East in 2011. Mnangagwa, in contrast, represents change but not too much change because of his strong ties with the ruling ZANU-PF party as well as the military -- both of who also have longstanding relationships with the Chinese. Steven Gruzd is a leading Zimbabwe political affairs analyst at the South African Institute of International Affairs in Johannesburg where he leads the governance and foreign policy programs. Gruzd joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the dramatic political upheaval in Harare and what role, if any, China played in the ascension of Emmerson Mnangagwa to the presidency. Join the discussion. As Zimbabwe's largest source of foreign investment and the country's top trading partner, what role do you think China will play in this new Zimbabwean era without Robert Mugabe. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @SAIIA_info Email: eric@chinaafricaproject.com 

Independent filmmakers Jidi Guo and Philip Man join Eric & Cobus to discuss their new documentary about how a new generation is responding to China's growing influence in Kenya. This is the first documentary produced by the Shanghai-based pair who took 10 days of vacation time from their day jobs to shoot the film in Nairobi. "Behind the Belt: A Look at China's Cultural Influence in Kenya" features interviews with young Chinese and Kenyan professionals who are all trying to better understand the implications of China's growing social, economic and political presence in Africa. While younger people are often more optimistic about the inherent opportunities within the China-Africa relationship, the film also reveals many of the tensions that bedevil the two sides as they become increasingly interdependent. Join the discussion: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque Follow Jidi and Philip on Instagram at Behind the Belt.

Quietly, and largely out of sight, China has emerged to become a major player in the foreign aid space, challenging institutions and norms long established by the West. Although China's international development budgets remain a tightly guarded state secret, new data  indicates Beijing is spending a lot more money on aid programs than almost anyone had imagined. AidData, a research lab at William & Mary in Virginia, conducted an analysis of 4,300 Chinese-funded projects in 140 countries from 2000 to 2014. During that time, AidData believes the Chinese spent somewhere around $350 billion on development programs. Unlike the United States, which spent $394 billion during that same period, the Chinese do not spend aid money in traditional development programs (i.e. cash grants to institutions). Instead, the Chinese have focused their efforts on infrastructure development, export credits and loans. The Chinese approach to international development challenges a half-century of Western dominance where aid to developing countries almost always came with conditions. Whereas U.S. and European countries require aid recipients to undertake political and economic reforms to qualify for assistance, the Chinese have a "no strings attached" policy. Furthermore, the Chinese don't seem eager to deepen their engagement in the clubby aid world of the IMF, World Bank and other international NGOs, preferring instead to deal bilaterally with governments or to create their own development bodies like the Asian Infrastructure Development Bank. On a more fundamental level, the Chinese are taking away a deeply-embedded narrative within the Western psyche that the U.S./European development model is superior in both economic and moral terms. Many of the perceptions in the West about aid have been framed as white people 'saving poor brown people' in Africa, the Americas and in Asia. Now that there is a legitimate alternative from a non-Western country that happens to be the world's second largest economy, that morality narrative will no doubt face more scrutiny in the years ahead. In this edition of the China in Africa Podcast, AidData Executive Director Brad Parks joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his team's latest findings on Chinese foreign aid and how Beijing's money is being spent in places like Africa. Join the discussion? Do you think it's healthy that there is an alternative to the Western-led aid system or is China's lack of transparency and preference in dealing with African elites more concerning? Let us know. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @aiddata  

Author Irene Yuan Sun argues in her now book that Africa is poised to become the world's next manufacturing boosted by Chinese investment and production expertise. With costs steadily rising in the PRC, more and more companies are looking to offshore production from China to more affordable countries. Africa and its abundant population of young workers, free trade access into the US market and proximity to the European Union make it an attractive investment destination for cost conscious manufacturers.  But Africa is not alone vying for the estimated 85 million jobs that will be in play as China transitions away from manufacturing to a services/consumption-based economy. African countries will have to compete vigorously against Vietnam, India and other Asian nations to lure Chinese manufacturers.  Time is also a key factor. Major international manufacturing companies like Foxconn and Pegatron, contract manufacturers that both produce hi-tech products for Apple, HP and Dell among others, are working very hard to automate their production lines using robots powered by artificial intelligence. With more companies, including once low-tech industries like apparel and furniture assembly, moving as quickly as possible to automate their production lines, African policy-makers must no doubt be concerned that with the pace and sophistication of automation steadily increasing, might encourage Chinese manufacturers to keep their operations rolling back home, albeit with fewer workers. Sun, for her part, argues the fear of technological dislocation is overblown. "The essential point automation alarmists miss is that technological adoption happens through millions of individual decisions by companies that are constrained by the demands of their value chain, the financing capability of their balance sheets, and their own managerial know- how. Just because they could produce something in a more automated way doesn’t mean they will," she said. Already, Sun contends, Chinese-factories in Africa are using robotics and automation with human labor still playing an essential role throughout the production process. Sun joins Eric & Cobus to talk about her new book, "The Next Factory of the World: How Chinese Investment is Reshaping Africa." The book is part travelogue, part business intelligence of a fascinating trend that operates largely out of sight yet has potentially massive implications for the future direction of almost every economy in Africa. Join the discussion. Do you think Africa is well positioned to become the world's next manufacturing powerhouse or do you think the high-levels of corruption, poor infrastructure and weak governance in many parts of the continent will inhibit this kind of industrial development? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

Leo Li is a Phd candidate in African politics at China's prestigious Tsinghua University in Beijing. Before he returned to Beijing to continue his academic work, Leo spent years reporting from Africa for the China Daily newspaper and later as a TV reporter for the Chinese international TV news network CGTN. Leo represents a new generation of young Chinese scholars, journalists and activists in the China-Africa space who are now beginning to emerge on the scene and who, for the most part, have a more much more cosmopolitan perspective than their predecessors. Leo joined Eric & Cobus to talk about how Chinese society's perceptions of Africa are rapidly changing, often drawing on offensive, outdated caricatures borrowed from the West. Frustrated by the messaging about Africa that appears on social media and in Chinese popular culture, Leo sees it as part of his mission to help educate Chinese scholars and journalists about a more nuanced view of Africa and African politics. Join the discussion:  Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

The demand for abalone is so extreme that it is commonly-referred to as "white gold" and is now the world's most valuable shellfish. Much of that demand comes from Asia, especially China, where consumers can't seem to get enough of the fleshy snails in restaurants and supermarkets. South Africa is home to one of the most prized species of abalone, fueling widespread illegal poaching by organized crime syndicates who are eager to satisfy the seemingly Chinese diners' seemingly insatiable appetite. "Since 2001 an estimated 75 million abalone—40,000 tons—have been plucked from South African waters, about 10 times the legal quota," according to a National Geographic report that warned South African abalone risks being poached to extinction. Now, there is evidence that the illegal abalone trade is also propelling the rise of other contraband sales by organized crime operations in South Africa. “Dried abalone ... forms the nucleus of a criminal economy worth millions each year in South Africa‚ with documented links to money laundering and the drug trade," said Cape Town-based investigative journalist Kimon de Greef in a recent report. Specifically, he discovered that the abalone traders are now expanding into the increasingly lucrative donkey skin trade where the hides are sold to Chinese buyers to be used for a traditional Chinese remedy known as ejiao.  Kimon joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the broader environmental and security implications of the burgeoning illegal abalone trade between South Africa and China. Join the discussion. Do you think Chinese consumers bear any of the responsibility for consuming a product like abalone that is now causing so many problems in countries like South Africa? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @Kimon de Greef

A pair of seemingly tone-deaf incidents this week highlight the ongoing difficulty that some parts of Chinese society are having with regards to racial sensitivity towards Africans and black people in general.  First, an exhibit at the Hubei Provincial Museum in Wuhan that placed images of African people next to animals was shut down after it sparked widespread outrage. The second incident occurred on the hugely popular online platform WeChat, that is now the world's second largest social media network behind Facebook. WeChat offers an instant translation service where the user simply presses their finger on a character(s) and an English translation appears. A WeChat spokesman apologized for the error and blamed the mistake on shortcomings in its artificial intelligence code that does the automatic translation in its chat service.  Join the discussion. Are these two recent incidents in China revealing in any way, or simply more of the same especially in this era of racial polarization in the United States, anti-immigrant politics in Europe and growing xenophobia in places like South Africa? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

When filmmakers Zhang Yong, Hodan Abdi and Fu Dong set out to make a new documentary on the African migrant experience in China they were determined to ensure that their own voices and experiences came through in the story. Until now, most if not all of the documentary films on Africans in China have been produced by Westerners, so it was very important to this filmmaking trio that an authentic, blended Chinese-African voice frame the narrative of their film. Africans in Yiwu is a long-form documentary shot that portrays the lives of a group of young, ambitious African migrants in the Chinese coastal city of Yiwu. Little known outside of China, Yiwu has been one of China's leading trading hubs for over 2,000 years and is now home to PRC's second largest population of African migrants. The film is now making its way through the African and Chinese film festival circuit and will soon be available to view online on U.S. and Chinese social networks. One of the film's co-creators Zhang Yong is also the Executive Director of of Center for African Film and TV Studies at the Institute Of African Studies at Zhejiang Normal University. He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the project and why he felt that it was so important for this story to be told from a distinctly Chinese and African point of view. Join the discussion: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

The tightening of international sanctions against North Korea is helping to fuel the illicit ivory trade in Africa as the increasingly isolated country searches for new ways to generate revenue, according to a new report from the Global Initiative against Transnational Organized Crime. Much of that ivory, according to the report, is destined for the black market in China. Although China announced in January that it would outlaw the domestic ivory trade, consumer demand appears to remain strong as the wholesale price for raw ivory hovers around $1,100 per kilo. North Korea's role in the African ivory trade is largely confined to "buying and bagging," said Julian Rademeyer, the report's author and an acclaimed South African environmental investigative journalist. North Korean officials, he added, are often able to easily move their illegal contraband as diplomatic cargo so it usually goes unchecked by local customs authorities. Julian joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his findings on North Korea's role in the illegal ivory trade between China and Africa.  Join the discussion. How do you think African governments should respond to the news that North Korean diplomats stationed in their countries may be involved in illegal ivory smuggling? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | Julian Rademeyer

U.S. President Donald Trump revealed deeper levels of ignorance about Africa than many thought possible during a luncheon speech this week to a group of African leaders. During his brief, 800-word speech, Trump twice mentioned the non-existent country of "Nambia." Immediately after the speech, there was widespread disbelief and even confusion as to whether the president was referring to Gambia, Namibia or Zambia. Later, the White House confirmed that the president had indeed spoken in error about Namibia. While the gaffe itself is insignificant, it comes amid a broader context of growing U.S. detachment from Africa as Washington's policy for the continent appears increasingly rudderless. Wednesday's speech was the first major address (which is being generous) the president has given about Africa since he came to office, while policy for the continent drifts amid turmoil over at the State Department. Trump was slow to nominate an Assistant Secretary of State for African Affairs whose confirmation is now stuck in the Senate. Reaction to the "Nambia" speech largely ranged from ridicule to "what else do you expect from this guy?" African social media commentary, which are usually quick to criticize foreign leaders who disrespect Africa, were surprisingly benign, just laughing it off. Namibian president Hage Geingob, for his part, even went so far as to suggest that Trump's error was actually a blessing as it will invite more attention to be focused on his country. What's interesting here is how the United States, despite any sense of a coherent policy, declining corporate investment and steadily expanding military presence in Africa seems to get a pass from critics who level charges of "neo-colonialism" and "imperialism" towards other countries including China, Japan and some European states. In this edition of the China in Africa podcast, Eric & Cobus discuss the different narratives about the U.S. relationship with Africa compared to that of China's and some of the reasons why African perceptions vary so greatly between the U.S. and China. Join the discussion. What do you think of the "Nambia" speech? If another world leader made the same mistake, how would you react? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

  Every week seemingly brings a new announcement of a Chinese-financed mega project somewhere in Africa. This week's announcement of a $5.8 billion power station in Nigeria that will be financed and built by Chinese state-owned companies is typical of the scope and scale of Chinese lending activity in Africa. And with the Chinese money spigot opening even wider as Beijing ramps up spending on its hugely ambitiously One Belt, One Road (OBOR) global trading initiative, the Chinese are seemingly more eager than ever to loan money. All this Chinese money must be so tempting for Africa's cash-starved, infrastructure-challenged states but they should proceed cautiously warn a growing number of analysts. "Over-investing in physical infrastructure without establishing corresponding governmental institutions and legal structures can lead to economic and financial fragility," said Ricardo Reboredo, a researcher who studies Chinese development in Africa. Additionally, he adds, all those new ports and roads can also be used to make it even easier for low-cost Chinese imports to flood local markets in Africa, adding yet more pressure to the economy. Ricardo joins Eric & Cobus this week to discuss the infrastructure financing dilemma in Africa and whether it's wise for African leaders to borrow so much money from China. Join the discussion. Do you think it's wise for African governments to borrow so much money from China to build infrastructure? If not, how do you suggest these countries find the necessary financing to develop? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @Rick_Reboredo  

Amid a surge of European and U.S. inward-looking nativist populism, the West's longstanding influence in Africa is in retreat. At the same time, China appears to be doubling-down on globalism with a trillion dollar bet called "One Belt, One Road" or OBOR. OBOR is China's hugely ambitious global mercantile agenda that aims to connect the PRC to trade routes across the Indian Ocean through the Middle East, Europe and back to China via Central Asia. Already, Beijing has spent an estimated $250 billion, some in Africa where it is either building or has plans to construct railroads, data centers and its first ever overseas military installation among dozens of other planned infrastructure projects. With so much money flowing around amid a concerted Chinese-orchestrated, OBOR-themed propaganda push, it is easy to get carried away by the audacity of the whole project. A trillion dollars? What country is spending that kind of money in this day and age? No one but the Chinese. So, it's important to keep some perspective here and to appreciate that OBOR will never be able to live up to the massive hype, nor will it likely deliver the "win-win" benefits so often promised to Beijing's partners in Africa and elsewhere around the world. But that doesn't mean OBOR will not have a tremendous impact on certain parts of Africa and continue to re-orient the global trading system away from its once deeply entrenched pillars in the West towards new centers in the East. As Africa's primary trading alliances shift from West to East, the continent's diplomatic and political allegiances are also expected to follow. Although there is considerable apprehension among many African leaders about becoming too dependent on China, there is also a growing sense that it would be foolish not to follow the shift in geopolitical power that increasingly favors Asia over the U.S. and Europe. "Despite the many misgivings Africans feel about China, they are also making a hard-nosed calculation that the continent can profit from a close relationship with China in a way it can’t with the West," said Dr. Cobus van Staden, Wits University lecturer and co-host of the China in Africa podcast, in a recent column published in the Huffington Post. In this edition of the show, Cobus joins Eric to discuss why he thinks OBOR is so transformational, even as China's trade and immigration levels with Africa are steadily declining. Join the discussion. Do you think China's role in Africa is as important and transformational as Cobus contends or do you believe that China is just the latest foreign power to come, take what it needs and then leave. Share your thoughts. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @stadenesque | @eolander  

The Beijing-based StarTimes Group is now one of Africa's most important media companies with 1.4 million subscribers across 30 countries. The pay TV company is leading the continent's transition from analog to digital television with some of the world's most affordable cable/satellite TV packages priced as low as $4 per month. In the burgeoning Digital TV sector, StarTime is far and away the market leader. The company's reach covers 90 of the continent's population powered by 5,000 distributions and 3,000 convenience shops where consumers buy their services and pay monthly bills. Unlike standard cable and satellite TV bundles in other regions of the world, you won't find CNN or other major Western channels on StarTimes' platform. In addition to dozens of local African channels, there is a wide selection of Chinese news, entertainment and sports programming. Although StarTimes is technically a private company with no official government affiliation, the pay TV operator is playing a vital role in China's soft power diplomacy agenda in Africa. “There’s a huge ideological element” to StarTimes’ African operations, said Dani Madrid-Morales, a doctoral fellow at the City University of Hong Kong who has researched the company. “It’s a huge effort to get Africans to understand China. Even the selection of TV shows is very carefully done. It’s very specific shows that showcase an urban China, a growing China, a noncontroversial view of China.” In addition to broadcasting Chinese and African national channels, StarTimes is also producing more of its own content in local languages, including Swahili, from its new production facility in Nairobi.  Dani joins Eric & Cobus to discuss what's behind StarTimes' aggressive expansion in Africa and how the company plays a critical role in China's broader effort to influence African 'hearts & minds.' Join the discussion? What do you think of the expansion of Chinese TV programming in Africa and the emerging dominance of a foreign-owned pay TV operator across Africa's pay TV sector? Is there any difference between what StarTimes is doing in Africa and the approach taken by the Australian-born, U.S. citizen Rupert Murdoch who owns a controlling-stake in the British satellite operator BSkyB? Share your thoughts with us: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @DMadrid_M

Wolf Warriors 2 is the movie sensation of the summer in China, taking in over a record $630 million in box office receipts. The movie is so popular that is now the first non-Hollywood film to ever break in to the top 100 highest grossing releases. Set in a fictitious African country, Wolf Warriors 2 depicts a former Chinese special forces operative in an active war zone to rescue a group of Chinese compatriots and locals from a posse of blood-thirsty Western mercenaries. Marital arts star Wu Jing directed and stars in the movie as the lead character Leng Feng who blows up pretty much everything in his way as he rescues the innocent and kills the bad guys.  Wolf Warriors 2 is more than just an action movie, it also highlights a rising level of patriotic identity in China that now extends internationally. The film's tag line "whoever offends China will be hunted down no matter how far away they are” embodies this new assertive globalist message that China's interests extend far beyond its own borders and that when challenged, Beijing will respond to protect its people and interests overseas. Moviegoers have long been accustomed to watching these kinds of films coming from the United States, whether it's the nationalism portrayed in Top Gun or the lone soldier seeking justice that was the Rambo series, but this is an entirely experience seeing it in distinctly Chinese context. In this edition of the China in Africa Podcast, Eric & Cobus discuss why Wolf Warriror 2 is so important both to understand Chinese popular opinion of Africa but also to gain an insight into a more muscular Chinese worldview. Join the discussion. Have you seen Wolf Warrior 2? If so, what did you think? Exciting? Offensive? A bit of both? Let us know what your opinions. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  

Nairobi-based journalist Mark Kapchanga contends that it is time for Africans to learn to speak Chinese. In a provocative column published last month in the Chinese newspaper Global Times, Kapchanga warned that Africans are at risk of being on the losing end of an "information asymmetry" unless they begin to learn Mandarin in order to better negotiate with the continent's largest trading partner and second largest source of foreign investment. Kapchanga also urged the Chinese government to redouble its efforts to expand Mandarin language training in Africa: "the biggest challenge ahead now is for the Chinese to take a step and start teaching Africans their language. Today, most Africans speak Western languages such as French, German and English, thanks to the colonialists. It is time, too, for the Chinese language to be inculcated in African countries' education system." The Kenyan journalist said he was inspired to encourage Africans to learn Chinese after a recent visit to Beijing where he met a number of young Chinese executives who were fluent in a variety of African languages. Language, though, is a highly contentious issue in Africa and Kapchanga's column touched a nerve on social media where people from across the continent expressed their outrage over the suggestion that should learn yet another foreign language. "When the Europeans came they imposed their languages on us and now the Chinese? Why can't those imperialists learn African languages?" decried LinkedIn user Simbrashe Chinanga from Zimbabwe. Chinanga's frustration is representative of a large number of Africans who worry that their own indigenous cultures will be further diluted by studying Mandarin after centuries of imperial European rule. Kapchanga joins Eric & Cobus to answer his critics as to why he thinks it is so important now for Africans should learn Chinese. Join the discussion. Do you think Africans should learn Chinese or is that asking too much of public school systems that are already underfunded and straining to teach the basic reading, writing and math courses? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @kapchanga

The implementation of China's ambitious "One Belt, One Road" (OBOR) trade agenda in Africa is now fully underway. The launch of the Standard Gauge Railway in Kenya, the opening of the new navy base in Djibouti and dozens of other major infrastructure development projects along Africa's eastern shore are all part of this new ambitious strategy. OBOR's roll-out in Africa comes at an important time in global geopolitics, just as the United States appears to be in an all-out retreat from Africa as the government in Washington, D.C. is consumed by infighting and a lack of strategic focus. But just because the U.S. government may not be as active in Africa, doesn't necessarily that American corporations are not eager to take in OBOR-related investments. "Chinese banks and firms have requested the help of their U.S. counterparts to navigate existing norms in Africa, creating new potential opportunities for collaboration," noted Janet Eom, a former research associate at the China-Africa Research Initiative at Johns Hopkins University, in a recent Washington Post column. Eom argues that there are a number of sectors, ranging from finance to manufacturing to civil society/NGOs, where the Chinese could benefit from working with American organizations in Africa. In this edition of the podcast, she joins Eric to explain why she is seemingly more optimistic about a role for U.S. firms in OBOR than many other analysts. Join the discussion. Do you think the Chinese will want, or need, U.S. participation in OBOR-related activities in Africa? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @janeteom  

One of the most durable narratives about the Chinese in Africa is that the PRC is now just the newest foreign country to colonize the continent. While the Europeans may have used brute force, according to this widely-held perception, the Chinese instead using money to buy Africa’s land, corrupt its leaders and export its raw materials. Sure the methods may be different but the outcome is effectively the same: Africa is again being victimized by yet another imperial power. Kenya-native and the founder of the Beijing-based sustainable development consultancy Development Reimagined argues that not only is it factually incorrect to label China as some kind of neo-colonial power in Africa, it’s also disrespectful to her ancestors and the tens millions of other Africans who suffered under the brutality of actual colonial rule. “To call China a colonial power is to diminish the true horrors that were faced by the colonized communities, including by my own relatives, who were detained by the British colonial authorities,” she wrote in a provocative article for Project Syndicate entitled “The People’s Republic of Africa?”   Hannah joins Eric to discuss why she thinks the perception of China as a new colonial power in Africa is so durable.    Join the discussion. Do you agree with Hannah that China may be a lot of things in Africa but it is not a colonizer? Or do you see history repeating itself where Africa is once again the victim of an aggressive foreign power seeking domination? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @hmryder

In this edition of the China in Africa podcast, Washington, D.C.-based Africa scholar and investment advisor Aubrey Hruby joins Eric & Cobus to discuss how she thinks American business can compete in Africa despite visible challenges from both China and a U.S. foreign policy that is seemingly adrift. Join the discuss. Do you share Hruby's outlook that despite a number of current challenges, the United States remains relevant in Africa while China continues to both deepen and broaden its engagement on the continent? Let us know what you think? Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject   Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @AubreyHruby

Covering the China-Africa story is often a challenging assignment for many journalists as few reporters have the necessary background in both Chinese and African affairs. David Pilling is the exception. Pilling is the Africa Editor at the Financial Times in London who also reported extensively from China and throughout Asia. Pilling has written several articles and columns in recent months that showcase a level of nuance often lacking in the work of his editorial peers, both at the Financial Times and other international news outlets in the U.S. and Europe. He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his experience in covering this complex story and to share his broader outlook for China-Africa ties.  Join the discussion. How do you feel the international press covers the China-Africa story? Is it getting better or do you think the news coverage still relies too heavily on outdated perceptions? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @davidpilling  

China's Belt and Road Initiative is widely hyped, and many African governments view it as a special shot in the arm of African economic development. The scheme links China with Europe via Kenya and Egypt, and if it is built, it will be one of the biggest infrastructure projects in human history. On the surface, it's easy to see why African governments are excited. The project will provide new infrastructure to Africa, including new ports in East Africa. Also, it will link regions to each other. Kenya's new Standard Gauge Railway won't only integrate Kenya with the rest of East Africa, it will also connect the region to a massive trade route. This opens opportunities not only to connect to China, but also to Europe. Great, right? Not so fast. This week Eric and Cobus speaks to the Kenyan development economist Anzetse Were. She raises several big questions about the impact of the Belt and Road scheme on Africa. She asks how it will impact on East Africa's own development agendas, who will have power over which aspect of the project, and whether East Africa itself is ready to take full advantage of it. It is a provocative show that flips assumptions about development and China-Africa relations 

Demand in China for traditional medicine made from donkey skin is fuelling a growing illegal trade in donkeys worldwide. All over the developing world, rural farmers find their donkeys kidnapped or killed. Sometimes, they are persuaded to part with them for cash, only to realize later that they aren't able to replace them, because of the jump in prices. In Africa, this is particularly bad news, because donkeys are a key part of rural economies across the continent. Not only are donkeys important for getting around and to carry stuff, they help to plow fields, get kids to school, and they are frequently part of the family. Without donkeys many African economies grind to a halt. African governments know this, and many have banned the trade in donkeys. In this edition of the China in Africa Podcast, Eric and Cobus speak with Alex Mayers of the Donkey Sanctuary in the United Kingdom about this problem. He lays out how the situation has developed over the last few months, why donkeys can't be farmed to feed this demand, and how different African governments are coping with the issue. He also talks about how this trade could have possible negative health effects on Chinese users.    

African countries are once again binging on foreign debt. Across the continent, external debt has risen sharply, by almost 50% since 2010 according to data from the World Bank, to an estimated 416 billion dollars. Unlike 20-30 years ago when Africa turned to the west for cash, today China is the creditor of choice. The Chinese are shelling out massive loans for ambitious infrastructure and development projects across the continent. Although the vast majority of these loans are concessional, that is they have very low interest rates, the money still needs to be paid back either in cash or, as is often the case in Africa, with natural resources.  Case in Point: Kenya This week's launch of the highly anticipated Standard Gauge Railway (SGR) in Kenya was widely hailed as a milestone by Chinese and Kenyan officials. The 427 km railway is the first major rail line built in Kenya since the famed "Lunatic Express" line was built by the British over a century ago. Although the SGR is helping to repair Kenya's badly-dilapidated rail infrastructure, critics contend that the 3.25 billion dollar price tag is just too expensive. Undeterred by his critics, Kenyan president Uhuru Kenyatta celebrated the debut of the Nairobi to Mombasa line, “today, 122 years later and despite again a lot of criticism, we do not celebrate the Lunatic Express but the Madaraka Express that will begin to reshape the story of Kenya for the next 100 years,” he said at the SGR's opening ceremony on Wednesday. Even as the media and politicians from both countries fawned over the SGR launch, the issue of the railway's cost and the subsequent debts loomed ever larger. By the end of the week, the Chinese apparently felt they had to respond to critics with a series of high profile reassurances that this new infrastructure will actually help Kenya to repay its debts. “The investment will give the money back since SGR is the largest infrastructural project in Kenya and it will lead to economic growth of the whole region, which means that the debt will be paid," said Chinese Vice Foreign Minister Zhang Ming. Kenya's debt to China is steadily rising. The Chinese, according to the World Bank, now own 57% of the country's 416 billion dollar external debt. Kenyatta, for his part, does not seem too concerned by borrowing even more money from the PRC. In May, the president signed a deal during his latest trip to Beijing for an additional 3.59 billion dollars to build the next phase of the SGR from Naivasha to Kisumu. For people old enough to remember the debt-crises of the 1980s and 1990s, there is an eery sense of "uh oh, here we go again" as Kenyatta and many of his African counterparts grab these low-interest Chinese loans with both hands. Given the desperate need to build infrastructure under more favorable conditions with the Chinese maybe this time it's different. Maybe. Or maybe not. Nairobi-based international development economist and weekly columnist for the Kenyan newspaper Business Daily, Anzetse Were, is among a growing number of analysts who are becoming increasingly concerned about the prospect of a new African debt crisis. Anzetse joins Eric & Cobus from Nairobi to explain why she's worried that African states are not rapidly reforming their economies so as to generate the revenues needed to repay the billions of dollars in Chinese loans. Join the discussion. Do you think African countries should take advantage of China's low-interest loans to finance massive infrastructure development or are you worried that all this borrowed money will crush economies already withering under the pressure from persistently low commodity prices that have hobbled their exports. Tell us what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @Anzetse

China is pursuing an ambitious plan to triple its nuclear energy output by 2020, from 2% of the country's total energy supply to 6%. Beijing's nuclear power agenda is part of the government's broader agenda to reduce carbon emissions that is contributing to staggeringly high levels of pollution in many of China's largest cities. To do so, the Chinese have embarked on a nuclear reactor building spree with some 20 new plants currently in development. If China is going to rely more on nuclear power as part of its renewable energy strategy then it is also going to have to find a reliable supply of uranium to power all of these new reactors. Not surprisingly, Chinese energy officials have set their sights on Africa, specifically two of the world's largest sources of uranium in Niger and Namibia. Until now there has been relatively little research done on the impact that Chinese investment is having in Niger and Namibia's uranium mining sectors. Harvard doctoral student Peter Volberding and Dr. Jason Warner recently published a paper on the issue that examines whether the massive Chinese investments are potentially eroding sovereignty in these two African countries? Peter joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why there is not a simple answer to this complex question. Join the discussion. Do you think it's a positive trend that China is aiming to reduce emissions through expanded use of nuclear power or does this pose an even larger ecological threat to the planet? Share your thoughts on the issue. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  

Every year malaria kills 400,000 Africans, mostly toddlers under 5 years old, and costs the continent an estimated 12 billion dollars annually in lost productivity. Unlike HIV, malaria does not require sophisticated drugs or other costly treatments. In fact, the cost of treating the disease is relatively inexpensive, according to data from the WHO, and preventing through the use of medicated bed nets is even more affordable. Both the United States and China are each spending hundreds of millions of dollars to fight the disease in Africa. A pair of experts at the Carter Center in Atlanta, Georgia contend that if the US and PRC stopped working in parallel with one another and actually collaborated together they would be much more effective to combat the spread of the deadly disease.   "Despite the challenges associated with collaboration, many on all sides are beginning to see the benefits of working in greater coordination," contend Dr. Liu Yawei, Director of the China program at the Carter Center, and graduate assistant William Pierce, in an upcoming academic paper that will be published in South Africa. "While working independently may allow entities to move quicker, working together will allow them to go farther," they add. While on paper it may make a lot of sense for the U.S. and China to work together in Africa, particularly on humanitarian issues like fighting communicable diseases. The reality, though, is a lot more complicated as officials on both sides really just don't seem to trust each other very much. Moreover, African governments have also expressed reluctance about U.S. and China collaboration out of concern that a combined foreign presence could potentially become quite powerful and force local governments to make unwanted compromises. For now, African leaders do not have much to worry about as neither Chinese nor U.S. leaders seem all that inclined to cooperate with one another on health, diplomacy, or well, pretty much any issue on the continent. Nonetheless, both Dr. Liu and Pierce remain optimistic that the fight against the spread of malaria is different. The two scholars join Eric & Cobus to explain why Africa offers a unique opportunity for the U.S. and China to work constructively with one another. Join the discussion? Given the tensions that current roil Sino-U.S. relations, do you think it's possible for these two countries to put their suspicions aside? We want to hear from you. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @stadenesque | @eolander | @CarterCenter  

Western news coverage of China's engagement in Africa is often confined to the business section, generally focusing on loans, resource deals or other financial dealings. Moreover, ambitious international feature reporting, particularly from Africa, has becoming increasingly rare in today's era of declining revenues at major international news outlets.  So it was notable when the New York Times published an expansive front page story in the May 2, 2015 edition of the Sunday Magazine.   Shanghai-based journalist, and regular contributor to the NYT Sunday Magazine, Brook Larmer reported the story, Is China the World’s New Colonial Power?. Rather than look at the China-Africa from a broad, continental perspective, he instead chose to focus on the dynamics between the two players in one relatively small country. Brook joins Eric & Cobus to discuss how he approached the story and what it was like to cover the Chinese on the ground from Namibia.   Join the discussion. What did you think of Brook Larmer's reporting from Namibia and how he framed China-Africa relations?     Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject   Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque 

  Beijing-based investment attorney Kai Xue joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why he thinks Africa is no longer appealing to Chinese companies. Kai Xue is a longtime Sino-African affairs analyst and carefully monitors trade, FDI and migration data between the two regions. He is among a growing number of Chinese analysts who are now increasingly bearish in their outlook on trade ties with Africa.  Kai Xue joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the key factors pushing down China-Africa trade volumes and what's driving more Chinese companies to invest elsewhere in the world. Join the discussion. How will African countries react if China begins to dis-engage, shifting its trade and investment to other parts of the world? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque    

This week Eric & Cobus check the inbox to answer listeners' questions and comments about recent China-Africa events. One listener was surprised by U.S. Secretary of State Rex Tillerson's recent diss of the head of the African Union. Another comment was posted on LinkedIn in regards to the recent announcement that China-Africa trade totaled $149 billion in 2016 which is a dramatic downturn from the year prior. Plus, Eric is called out for constantly "snipping" against the "west" and for stereotyping all non profit organizations (he does a real mea culpa). Join the discussion: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

  China's embrace of multilateral diplomacy in Africa is something of a new phenomenon. For years, Beijing rejected the Western aid model, preferring instead to work bilaterally with African governments where they often employed aid (or infrastructure) for resource deals. Many of those early policies were born from China's own development experience in the late 20th century, specifically Japanese aid-for-resource deals, and largely avoided engagement with the traditional donor agencies. Among all the various international donor agencies, the United Nations appears to be playing an increasingly important role in China's development agenda in Africa. After years of sitting on the sidelines of UN-led development initiatives, China's newfound enthusiasm for these programs in Africa is a welcome change, according to Nicholas Rosellini, head of the U.N. delegation in China. Nicholas joins Eric & Cobus to discuss how the United Nations fits into China's overall African development strategy and what impact China's more prominent role in global aid will have on the UN in the future. Join the discussion. Are you encouraged or concerned about China's growing role in African aid and development? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @n_rosellini

Unlike the United States and countries in Europe, China has never been regarded as a popular destination for economic migrants. Today, that is no longer the case. China’s four-decade long economic boom is now a magnet for immigrants, particularly from Africa.   The Guangzhou Dream Factory is a new documentary produced by a pair of American filmmakers that explores the promise and peril facing a new generation of African migrants to China’s southern economic capital Guangzhou. In this edition of the China in Africa podcast, Eric & Cobus speak with journalist Christiane Badgley and Erica Marcus about why so many African migrants dream of immigrating to China and the difficult conditions that await them upon their arrival.   Join the discussion. Do you think the conditions in China for immigrants is any different than in the United States, Europe or other migrant destinations around the world? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesesque | @pipelinedreams 

In this edition of the China in Africa podcast, we pull the focus back to look at China's rapidly evolving foreign policy agenda in this new era of western populism led by Donald Trump in the United States. François Godement, director of the Asia and China program at the European Council on Foreign Relations in Paris joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his latest paper "Expanded Ambitions, Shrinking Achievements: How China Sees the Global Order." Join the discussion: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @fgodement  

Nairobi-based researcher Zander Rounds joins Eric & Cobus to discuss a new comparative study on employment relations at Chinese and American firms in Kenya. Zander co-authored the report with China House Kenya founder Huang Hongxiang as part of a grant funded by the China Africa Research Initiative at Johns Hopkins University in Washington, D.C. Join the discussion? Would you prefer to work for Chinese company or an American firm? Tell us why.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject. Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @zanderrounds

Saudi King Salman bin Abdulaziz's recent state visit to Beijing is the latest evidence that China is manuevering to play a bigger role in the Middle East and Persian Gulf. The two countries reportedly signed deals worth upwards of $65 billion during the summit. Beijing's plans for the region, though, extend far beyond just doing business and the Saudi kingdom.  Any country that vies for influence in the Mideast must first win the hearts and minds of the "Arab Street," which explains why China is investing considerable diplomatic and financial resources in Egypt. Although the Egyptians do not have much in the way of natural resources, the country's strategic location along the Suez and its disproportionate influence in Mideast politics are both very attractive assets to policy makers in Beijing. Until recently, the U.S. and Europe have been the dominant foreign powers in the Mideast but now it appears their influence is beginning to diminish, providing a new opening for China. "This decade has seen an unprecedented surge in enthusiasm for the Chinese model of development in the Arab world," said Sino-Arab researcher Kyle Haddad-Fonda in a recent article in World Politics Review. "As the American vision of democratic capitalism has lost its luster, many Arab intellectuals have turned to China," he added. Kyle joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why China thinks the timing is right to make a new effort for expanded influence in Egypt and the broader Mideast. Join the discussion. Do you think it's a good idea for China to challenge U.S. hegemony in the region or should the Chinese be cautious given how fraught politics are in this part of the world? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  

Countries throughout Africa are struggling to figure out how to contain the skyrocketing price of donkeys due to surging demand for the animals in China. Donkey skin is fast becoming an increasingly prized commodity due to its use in a traditional Chinese medicine known as ejiao that is popular among the PRC's large population of middle class consumers.  Now the same story that we've seen with ivory, pangolins, sharks and countless other African animal species appears to be repeating itself with donkeys. Criminals are stealing the animals, small-scale farmers are being priced out of the market and rural communities who depend on donkeys for their livelihoods are suffering. Sensing the potential for social unrest, several countries have moved quickly to ban the donkey trade but even that may not be enough to bring the situation under control. Nairobi-based journalist Lily Kuo is covering the story for the U.S. online financial news site Quartz. Her latest report on the issue sparked an intense reaction online, particularly among western environmental activists. Lily joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the complex politics of the donkey trade in Africa. Join the discussion? Are you angered by the demand for African donkeys in China? Or, do you think this is an opportunity for African livestock companies to open a new market by breeding these animals just as is done with pigs and cows? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @lilkuo

The China Africa Project is now the largest multimedia journalism project in the world dedicated to exploring all facets of China's engagement in Africa. With over 600,000 followers across its various platforms, including 30,000 downloads a month of this podcast, the CAP has developed a sizable audience since it launched in 2010. Every month, CAP co-founders Eric Olander and Cobus van Staden receive multiple inquiries about who is behind the project, how it's funded and if there is any hidden agenda. In this week's episode, Eric & Cobus take you behind the scenes for an introduction to the hosts, our back-story and future plans for The China Africa Project. Join the conversation. We always welcome feedback from our listeners on what you think of the show and what we can do to improve the content. If you have specific questions about The China Africa Project or China-Africa relations in general, please don't hesitate to contact us. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  

The Chinese Communist Party-controlled international television news broadcaster CGTN (China Global Television News) faces a seemingly-irreconcilable dilemma. While the network positions itself as an alternative to the dominant global channels like CNN, BBC and Al Jazeera, CGTN also has a separate, arguably more important mission as the voice of the party that must always adhere to "core socialist values" according to mandates set by Chinese president Xi Jinping. The problem is that news content and those "core socialist values" usually do not mix very well, resulting in programming that often more closely resembles pure propaganda. While this tension does cause problems in other state-funded newsrooms around the world, many of the journalists and production staff based in CGTN's Africa headquarters in Nairobi have learned how to navigate this delicate balance, according to new research by New York University Phd student Melissa Lefkowitz. Melissa was granted rare access inside CGTN Africa where she spent two months interviewing staff and observing the channel's operations. She discovered that despite the obvious political challenges, particularly when it comes to reporting on China, and sometimes difficult cross cultural challenges between the Chinese management and African editorial staff, employee morale at CGTN is surprisingly positive. Melissa joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the politics of Chinese TV news in Africa and her experiences with the people produce the news at CGTN in Nairobi. Join the discussion. Do you watch CGTN? How do you think their programming compares to other international news networks like FRANCE 24 or VOA? Tell us what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque | @sinofei

In this bonus episode, the China Africa Project's Eric Olander speaks live with Thabo Mdluli on Johannesburg talk radio station Power 98.7 to take listener call-in questions on whether "China is a predator or partner in Africa." Join the discussion? Do you agree with Eric that it is impossible to classify China as either partner or predator but a little of both? Share your thoughts: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

Even though China is one of Africa's largest investors, ranked seventh overall according to Ernst & Young, there are surprisingly few rules that govern private-sector investments between these two regions. These rules are established through bilateral investment treaties, or BITs, where two countries agree upon a set of standards for corporate investment. While these BITs are popular in Europe and the U.S., the situation is quite different in Africa say experts. It's not that they don't have these kinds of investment treaties with the Chinese and other countries, rather, it's that no one seems to really care very much to either use or enforce them. Lorenzo Cotula is a principal researcher at the London-based Institute of International Environment and Development and recently co-authored a detailed report on China-Africa investment treaties to explore whether they actually work. Lorenzo joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the importance of these investment agreements even as similar international treaties are facing unprecedented challenges in this new era when Donald Trump is re-shaping global geopolitics. Join the discussion. Do you think these rules are useful, particularly in this new era of Donald Trump where the old systems are being challenged in unprecedented ways? Tell us what you think: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

In this week's episode of the China in Africa podcast, Dr. Matt Ferchen from the Carnegie-Tsinghua Center for Global Policy in Beijing joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his new paper on the perception gaps that exist around the world regarding China's economic, military and political rise. This is a particularly important issue in Africa where China's engagement is highly controversial, effusively praised by some and harshly criticized by others. Join the discussion. Do you think China is making a positive contribution in Africa or do you feel that Beijing is simply following the abusive example set by the continent's former imperial powers? Share your thoughts: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

In this episode, outspoken international economist Anzetwe Were joins Eric & Cobus from Nairobi to discuss her recent column in Business Daily (Kenya) on how Africa is bracing for a Trump-inspired shift towards to China in response to the new U.S. president's apparent determination to shake up the international order. Join the discussion. Do you agree with Anzetwe's perspective that a U.S. retreat from Africa would actually be a relief after more than half a century of condescending moralizing from American and Europeans towards Africa? Will China simply fill the void or present a different engagement model. Tell us what you think: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

In this episode, award winning Shanghai-based environmental journalist Shi Yi joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the emerging crisis over the illegal trade of Congolese bloodwood. She recently reported on how surging demand in China is fueling widespread illegal logging in the DR Congo. Join the discussion. Given the poverty and widespread corruption in the DR Congo, do you think anything can be done to protect the country’s wildlife and rain forests? What responsibility do Chinese consumers have about their preference for Congolese bloodwood? Tell us what you think: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @standenesque

Africa is becoming an increasingly popular holiday destination among adventure-seeking Chinese tourists. The numbers of visitors who went to Africa in 2016 was up sharply due to looser visa restrictions and new direct flights between China and Ethiopia, Kenya and South Africa among other popular destinations. Chinese arrivals in South Africa alone were up 93% last year. You'd think this would be great news for Africa's embattled travel operators, right? After all, Westerners turned away from the continent in large numbers after the Ebola outbreak, terrorism incidents in Kenya, Nigeria and Tunisia as well as the ongoing economic uncertainties at home. So a new market of wealthy travelers, this time from China, should be warmly welcomed by all those hotels, safari parks, bus operators and other travel suppliers whose livelihoods depend on satisfying overseas visitors. Wrong. Kampala-based travel industry consultant Sandra Rwese joins Eric & Cobus to explain why she thinks African travel companies are so reluctant to embrace the new Chinese tourist and how it may already be too late for African companies to effectively compete.  Join the discussion. What do you think of the surging number of Chinese tourists in Africa and around the world? Share your thoughts. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

South Africa's opposition party, the Democratic Alliance (DA), now sees the ruling African National Congress (ANC) party's close ties to China as a vulnerability that the DA aims to exploit. Evidence of this new strategy came in December when the DA mayor of Pretoria, Solly Msimanga, made an independent trip to Taiwan, sparking immediate outrage from the Chinese government, the South African foreign ministry and the ANC who all decried it as a violation of SA's commitment to the "One China Policy." Independent Johanessburg-based journalist Ufreida Ho has been following the political drama set off by Msimanga's Taiwan visit and how China is fast becoming a divisive political issue in South African politics. Join the discussion. Do you think Msimanga was right to challenge Zuma by going to Taiwan or was it inappropriate for a local mayor to venture into international politics to make a point back home? Tell us what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject. Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

The election of Donald Trump has introduced a new era of uncertainty in global politics, especially in Africa where the president-elect has said nothing about his foreign policy agenda for the continent. Not surprisingly, Trump’s unpredictable, provocative-style is sparking widespread concern across the continent as to whether the United States plans to remain engaged in Africa.    China, by comparison, is moving in the opposite direction. Beijing’s New Year’s announcement to finally outlaw its domestic ivory trade, although long overdue, was widely praised an important step in the struggle to save Africa’s embattled elephant population. Also in January, China’s foreign minister, Wang Yi, will make his customary first overseas trip of the year that always begins in Africa where he will visit five countries. All of this is set amid the backdrop of surging Chinese investment in Africa as part of president Xi Jinping’s 2015 $60 billion/5 year financial package and the roll out of China’s ambitious global trading strategy known as “One Belt, One Road” which passes through a number of countries in Northeast Africa where the Chinese are now spending billions of dollars to build out new civilian and military infrastructure.   Janet Eom, Research Manager at the China Africa Research Initiative at Johns Hopkins University has been closely following the presidential campaign and the run-up to Donald Trump’s inauguration with an eye on how this will all impact Sino-African ties. Janet joins Eric & Cobus to discuss what’s ahead in U.S.-China-Africa relations.   Join the conversation. Do you think that the Trump presidency will benefit the Chinese in Africa or does it even matter? Trump has promised an “America First” agenda to his constituents and so what if U.S. influence falls in some parts of the world. We’d like hear from you.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

After years of relatively trouble-free development, 2016 marked a turning point in the China-Africa amid turbulent changes in the global economic and political order. China increased its deployment of combat troops to the continent, suffering some its first casualties in South Sudan and Mali, while trade between the two regions decreased for the first time in years. Meantime, China dangled promises to finally outlaw ivory as Africa's elephants suffered another brutal year at the hands of poachers. Eric & Cobus look back at an eventful year in Sino-African ties and discuss what's ahead in 2017 and how the presidency of Donald J. Trump in the United States could impact China's engagement in Africa. Join the discussion. What are your top China-Africa stories for the year? Do you foresee difficulties ahead in this important geopolitical relationship or will Trump's antics help to push Chinese and Africans even closer together. Let us know what you think: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

International Relations professor Zaynab El Bernoussi from Al Akhawayn University in Ifrane, Morocco joins Eric & Cobus this week to discuss her recent column on China's growing influence in the Middle East and North Africa. Professor EL Bernoussi explains why she thinks China may be able to succeed in the region as U.S. and European influence are in retreat across the Arab world. Join the discussion. Do you think China can prevail in the Middle East as it has in other parts of the world, including Africa? Or, is Beijing blind to the risks that have felled so many other foreign powers who have become embroiled in the region's wars and complex politics? Tell us what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

In the space of just ten years Africa’s mobile phone market has grown from about 100 million users to a billion making the continent one of the fastest growing internet markets in the world. Compared to other parts of the world, Africans came relatively late to the internet game due to a lack of network infrastructure and devices that were largely too expensive for most consumers. Well that began to change back in the mid-2000s as Chinese engineers from companies like Huawei, Lenovo and ZTE fanned out across Africa to build out a significant portion of Africa’s internet backbone.    Just as internet access became more widely available, a second trend was taking shape that would not only revolutionize the internet in Africa but throughout the entire developing world. Chinese mobile device makers like Huawei, Oppo, Tecno, OnePlus and countless others made a critically important breakthrough with the creation of sub-$100 Android-powered smartphones. Hundreds of millions of people upgraded their well-worn Nokia and Ericsson feature phones to these new Chinese-made Android devices and, for the first time, providing full-access to the mobile internet.   The importance of so many new consumers getting online in poorer, lesser-developed-countries, cannot be overstated. This access to the internet is being felt in every aspect of society from politics to commerce, communications to content and beyond. Until recently, in most regions in Africa where there was never even a copper-line phone system, the sudden emergence of modern communications networks paired with low-cost handheld devices is truly remarkable. Although it would not be accurate to give the Chinese government and companies all of the credit for facilitating this telecommunications revolution, they have probably done far more than any other single country for which they deserve an enormous amount of praise.   This week Eric & Cobus discuss the African IT market and how a new, $35 million Chinese-financed data center in Tanzania is poised to light up much up of East Africa with significantly faster internet connections, all part of China’s ongoing development of Africa’s ICT sector.   Join the conversation. Do you think it is fair to credit the Chinese with transforming Africa’s information technology market? Do you use Chinese tech? If so, what’s been your experience? Tell us what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

In the powerful new Netflix documentary "The Ivory Game," Elephant Action League Executive Director Andrea Crosta ominously warned that the entire fate of Africa's elephants is in the hands of a single man, Chinese president Xi Jinping. Only President Xi has the power, argued Crosta, to shut down China's domestic ivory trade that drives so much of the killing of Africa's rapidly diminishing elephant population. Crosta is among the central characters in "The Ivory Game" where he is also joined by Nairobi-based conservation activist Huang Hongxiang. Huang, who also founded the non-profit organization China House Kenya, and Crosta traveled the world to expose the complex trading networks that facilitate the illicit ivory trade. While Huang generally agrees with Crosta that the Chinese president plays an out-sized role in the destiny of these animals, he also cautions that it will take more than just Xi Jinping's policies to stop the killing. Huang joins Eric & Cobus to discuss more about the under-cover sting operations he participated in for "The Ivory Game" and why he feels it is so important to demonstrate that Chinese activists like him are risking their lives in the effort to save Africa's elephants from extinction. Join the conversation. Do you agree with Crosta that, for the first time ever, an entire animal species will be determined by just one person? Or do you share Huang's more nuanced view that it will take a collaborative effort among Asian, American, European and African leaders to finally shut down the ivory trade that fuels illegal poaching? Tell us what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

Quartz's Africa correspondent Lily Kuo recently returned from a reporting assignment to Rwanda where she discovered a very different side of China's engagement in Africa. After all, Rwanda lacks many of the resources and large markets that other African states use to attract Chinese investment. Lily joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why Rwanda is becoming an increasingly popular destination for Chinese money and migrants.

Although leaders in Asia, Europe and the Americas are struggling to figure out what are the implications of Donald J. Trump's election to the U.S. presidency. At least in those regions, the president-elect made passing references during the campaign to Japan’s future security status, or whether Washington should continue to support NATO and, of course, his desire to build that great wall along the U.S.-Mexican border. Africa, by contrast, was barely discussed, if at all, during the seemingly never-ending 18-month duel between Trump and his former rival Hillary Clinton. Now, with the election settled, African policy makers are struggling to figure out what it will mean for their countries when a potentially-isolationist U.S. president assumes power next January.   There are early indications that some African countries may lean further in to China’s embrace to compensate for what they expect could be a retrenchment in U.S. trade, investment and overall engagement on the continent. For Beijing, this could be a huge opportunity to strengthen its diplomatic positioning in Africa as the Chinese continue their massive aid, infrastructure and investment drive across the continent. All that Chinese money is also now paying dividends in the form of improved public opinion towards the Chinese in Africa which, according to a 2016 Afrobarometer survey, has been steadily rising. So if Washington either falters or retreats from constructive engagement in Africa, China may in fact be a major beneficiary. South Africa, in particular, has been steadily shifting its foreign policy away from the West towards China for the past five years. Now, with the election of Donald Trump, Pretoria "should no longer count on Washington in the international community as its done in the past" warns University of the Witswatersrand international relations professor John Stremlau. Dr. Stremlau joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why he thinks president-elect Trump is such a threat to African stability and how this new direction in U.S. foreign policy could re-shape Africa’s international relations. Join the discussion. Do you think it’s premature to be worried about president-elect Trump’s foreign policy in Africa and how it might damage relations with Africa while helping China’s engagement on the continent? Tell us what you think? Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque    

Study abroad programs have been popular for decades in Western universities, and even in some high schools where students spend a semester living and studying in a foreign country. In China's rigid educational system, though, where rote memory and testing are the norm, the idea that a student would interrupt their academic program for some kind of international experience was unheard of until recently. However, now a growing number of well-to-do Chinese families are opting to send their children to universities in the United States where the competition for admission at prestigious universities is fierce. So to help give their children an edge they turn to any of the thousands of admissions consulting firms in China that aim to help students get in to a top school. One such firm, Beijing-based AIC, is now offering a study abroad program in Ghana for Chinese high school students. The China Ghana Changemaker Program was co-founded by AIC educational adviser Francis Miller who recently accompanied the first class of seven PRC students to Accra. Francis joins Eric & Cobus to discuss more about the growing popularity of Chinese overseas studies in Africa and the moral pitfalls of these kinds of "voluntourism" programs. Join the discussion? Are you encouraged that more Chinese young people are joining Western students to volunteer in Africa where they come to learn and supposedly help local communities or do you think this is just the latest evolution of the "white savior" complex. Tell us what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

Africa is home to one of the fastest growing technology markets in the world. In fact, more African households own a mobile phone than have reliable electricity or even clean water. The combination of a young population, some of the fastest growing economies and steadily falling prices for both mobile handsets as well as internet access are all contributing to produce one of the most dynamic Internet Communications Technology (ICT) markets in the world.    Both the Chinese government and private companies play an outsized role in Africa’s ICT development. Vast new mobile phone and data networks are being built by firms like Huawei and ZTE, financed by China’s state-controlled banks while device manufacturers like Lenovo and Xiaomi flood the market with affordable handsets that allow tens of millions of new consumers to go online every year. Although the Chinese do not often get the credit they rightly deserve for building out so much of Africa’s technology infrastructure, human rights groups and other civil society organizations are increasingly concerned that along with the new devices, servers and routers, the Chinese are also importing the know-how for some African governments to implement far-reaching telecom surveillance initiatives.   This week on the podcast, Eric & Cobus explore the intersection between politics and technology in Africa and how China is changing the digital landscape across the continent, both for good and, potentially, in ways that could lead to increased censorship and state-control. Their special guest this week is Iginio Gagliardone, a leading scholar on African new media at Wits University in Johannesburg. Iginio is also an Associate Research Fellow in New Media and Human Rights at the University of Oxford in the United Kingdom and the author of the new book “The Politics of Technology in Africa."   Join the discussion. Do you think China’s contribution to Africa’s technology development is something that should be praised or is it a source of concern over human rights and freedom of speech issues. Tell us what you think:   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @standenesque

In 2007 when China's Exim Bank unveiled a massive $6 billion mining deal in the Democratic Republic of the Congo, it completely rocked the normally-staid world of international development finance. The agreement, known as "The China Deal" or Sicomines, was among the first of these huge Chinese infrastructure-for-resources deals that are now commonplace across Africa.   Ten years ago, though, the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund were pretty much the only players that threw around that kind of cash in countries like the DRC. So when the Chinese came along with the Sicomines deal, many observers saw it as a direct challenge to the IMF's once unrivaled dominance of international development finance in places like the Congo.   While a feared Chinese-IMF rivalry did not ultimately materialize, "The China Deal" did create a lot of problems. The IMF responded defensively, according to new research from Sino-Congolese scholar Dr. Johanna Malm at Roskilde University in Denmark. Fearing they might be pushed aside by the Chinese, the IMF opted to make it easier for the Congolese government to borrow yet more money, adding to Kinshasa's already dangerously-high debt load.   Dr. Malm joins Eric & Cobus to discuss "The China Deal" and why the IMF's missteps in the Congo produced costly-consequences for an already financially-distressed government.

The Chinese government is spending billions of dollars around the world to expand its already massive global media footprint. Africa is a major destination for a lot of that investment. Although it is not clear how much money the Chinese have spent to develop Africa-focused economy, the sums are no doubt in the millions of dollars.    The communist party-run CCTV has a production in Kenya, the official China Daily newspaper prints local editions from South Africa and China Radio International (CRI) is broadcast on the local FM dial in a number of a countries across Africa.   While officials in Beijing are expert in building vast media distribution networks, such as what is now available in Africa, the Chinese have been far less successful in creating compelling content that people actually want to consume. Since there are no reliable pan-African TV ratings data that are publicly available, it's impossible to know just how many people really watch CCTV's news programs or listen to their news shows on CRI in some countries. The Chinese, like other international broadcasters, will play with the numbers by implying that just because their content is available in millions of homes  that means a similar number of people are genuinely watching it, which of course is fantasy (or just propaganda).   In the United States, for example, CCTV is available across the country on satellite and cable TV systems. Unlike in Africa, the US has much more reliable TV ratings data that CCTV does not subscribe to because its audience ratings numbers are likely so it will not even register. This highlights that even though the Chinese government may spend a lot of money to produce content, it is extremely difficult to build an audience for that programming.   Movies   While China's state-funded, Communist party-run media outlets may struggle to find a mass audience for its content in Africa and elsewhere around the world, a certain genre of Chinese-language movies, by contrast, have been popular for decades. Hong Kong-produced Kung Fu movies, most notably those featuring martial arts legend Bruce Lee, have been staples in Africa's pirated video bazaars dating back to the 1960s and 70s. Even today, in the DVD markets of Cairo or bars in Kinshasa to cable TV channels in Johannesburg, Hong Kong's martial arts films remain an extremely popular form of entertainment.   Sure, there is a universal appeal to one a single beating up dozens of rivals with amazing dexterity. Everyone loves a great action movie. However, for Africans there is an additional appeal to those early Bruce Lee movies where the hero in colonial Hong Kong who openly fights back against his white British overlords. In places like South Africa, that type of insurrection was resolutely banned by the then apartheid government for fear that oppressed black residents would be inspired by Bruce Lee's battle for dignity and honor.   In a new research paper published for the Journal of African Cultural Studies, the China Africa Project's own Cobus van Staden examines why Kung Fu movies became so popular in South Africa during the 1960s and 70s. In this week's show Eric and Cobus also discuss what lessons China's media strategists can learn from Hong Kong's wildly successful film producers who, unlike CCTV and the China Daily for example, have been able to generate huge audiences and tremendous profits.   Join the discussion. What do you think of Hong Kong's legendary Kung Fu movies and why are so popular across Africa? Let us know what you think.   Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

Across Africa and throughout the West there is a widespread belief that a good portion of the Chinese construction workers building infrastructure across the continent are actually prisoners who have been forcibly enslaved to work in Africa. So the reason why Chinese companies allegedly do not hire locals, according to this legend, is because there is such an abundant supply of convict labor that can be conscripted to work long hours and endure brutal working conditions. This myth is so widely trafficked, and not just among poorly-informed social media commentators but also among supposedly well-informed academics and highly-respected news organizations, that is some ways it has become an accepted truth.'Of course the Chinese import convicts,' how else can you explain the barbed wire that surrounds construction sites, or the shabby conditions so many of their workers live in and the fact that they often have to work seven days a week? Well, the reality is that barbed wire is often intended to keep people on OUTside from coming rather than incarcerating those on the INside. While they may not be prisoners, it is fair to say their living conditions are often comparable to those of inmates, which comes as a surprise to many in Africa who often mistakenly assume that all foreigners live the luxurious lifestyle of a white aid worker. As for overtime, well, for many Chinese contractors that is a foreign concept. There is no overtime. You work until the job is done. Period. While the often harsh labor policies of many Chinese companies are out of sync with the commonly accepted standards in Africa, and elsewhere, the workers are most certainly not slaves nor is there any evidence they are convicts. Despite the confidence of those who propagate this myth, there is no empirical proof to confirm their suspicions. Scholars from around the world have scoured Africa and Chinese work sites looking for even a sliver of proof that the Chinese are importing forced labor to work in Africa. To date, no one has found any indication that this widely-believed myth is actually true. While many people mistakenly believe that the Chinese do not hire local employees, new research confirms that the vast majority of workers on these sites, upwards of 90% in Kenya for example, are locally-hired. The instances where Chinese companies use expatriate labor tend to be for either highly-skilled positions or in circumstances where local labor is simply unavailable (such as working in extremely remote areas building rail lines and highways), according to Luo Yating, program manager at the Kenya-based think tank Sino-Africa Centre for Excellence Foundation (SACE). Yating challenged a number of the prevailing misperceptions about Chinese labor practices in Kenya in a new research paper that she presented at a recent SACE China-Africa conference held in Nairobi. She joins Eric & Cobus to discuss her findings and to explain why the Chinese have such a bad reputation for labor relations in Africa. Join the discussion? Do you believe the Chinese import convict labor to work in Africa? Do you feel the Chinese get a bad rap? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject   Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

The Chinese media presence across Africa has expanded dramatically over the past ten years as Beijing invested millions of dollars to build out a vast distribution network for its newspaper, radio and TV content. China's flagship TV network CCTV broadcasts daily from its regional hub in Nairobi, China Radio International broadcasts in-language programming on the FM dial in places like Dakar and the China Daily newspaper is even printed-locally in South Africa. Although there is a growing variety of Chinese content available in Africa, news programming remains at the center of Beijing's media strategy. The Chinese government, like many in Africa, has long bristled over how the Western media frames the news in Africa. Western news outlets, critics argue, have created a set of so-called "embedded narratives" when reporting Africa. These commonly-seen narratives too often reduce Africa and its people to a number of deeply-entrenched caricatures that range from starving babies, dancing children, endless war to the land of safaris. Whereas Western journalism celebrates its role as a "watchdog" in society, challenging governments and supposedly serving as a check on the powers of the establishment, the Chinese have an entirely different approach to covering the news both at home and in Africa. Since all official media in China are under the firm control of the communist party (which is different than the government), there is no tradition of adversarial journalism. Instead, the Chinese have developed a concept known as "constructive journalism." “Constructive journalism can be both positive and negative, but the purpose is to find solutions,” explains Zhang Yanqiu, director of the Africa Communication Research Centre at the Communication University of China. “The idea is to give a new kind of balance and shine a new kind of light on the continent. Instead of just reporting on the situation, it asks ‘ how can we help them?’ The Western media may be telling the truth, but if you are telling the truth and things are just getting worse and people are afraid of traveling to Africa, for whose good is this?” So the Chinese are aiming to portray a more upbeat view of Africa on its various news platforms. This means you will never see coverage of Sam Pa and his allegedly corrupt influence network or inappropriate Chinese arms sales to South Sudan and so on. Instead, the main CCTV newscast will feature positive stories about "win-win relations" and how 'African leaders praise China's role in African development.' Not surprisingly, CCTV and other Chinese news outlets are widely panned in the West for promoting propaganda and not accurately reporting the news. While that certainly may be the case in some instances, professor Zhang argues it is not accurate to compare Chinese and Western journalism in Africa as they are not intended the same objectives. Whereas western journalism's sole objective is to inform, Chinese news content is considered to be an extension of Beijing's broader political and diplomatic agenda. Professor Zhang joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the role of Chinese media in Africa, journalism in particular, and why she thinks it is so important that there are new voices in the market there to challenge the longstanding Western narratives about the continent. Join the conversation. Do you watch CCTV Africa or read the China Daily in Africa? Do you find the Chinese approach to reporting more positive news about Africa to be a compelling alternative to UK, US and French news narratives? Tell us what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque    

When independent filmmaker Carl Houston Mc Millan was growing up in the tiny southern African country of Lesotho he saw firsthand the effects of China's surging engagement in Africa. Even in this remote country, embedded within South Africa, far away from the major hubs of Chinese immigration in Johannesburg and Nairobi he could feel his community was undergoing a profound change. Unlike larger countries where the Chinese are building massive infrastructure projects and attracting thousands of PRC workers and expatriates, in Lesotho the Chinese are largely economic migrants in search of a foothold to open a small business where many work tirelessly to earn enough extra money to send back to their families in China. These migrants are often poor, uneducated and totally unfamiliar with the local language, Sesotho. These new foreigners, Carl explained, were not warmly welcome in Lesotho where they encountered widespread prejudice. Sure, the new 'China shops' offered lower prices and were conveniently open seven days a week, but they also put enormous strain on local competitors who were often unaccustomed to facing this new competitive pressure. Then there were the constant language and cultural barriers that sparked countless micro-tensions between the Chinese and locals. While this phenomenon of new immigrants struggling to adapt to their adopted country is typical in every country, it was very new and unfamiliar in Lesotho. Within this struggle for acceptance and assimilation between Chinese and Lesotho, Carl saw the opportunity to tell a bigger story about human dimension of the China-Africa relationship that is largely overlooked in the mainstream press and academic scholarship. His new short-film, Laisuotuo (the romanization of the word Lesotho in Chinese) tells the story of two migrants, an African doctor living in China and a Chinese shop owner in Lesotho, who both struggle to overcome painful stereotypes and racial profiling. The film was shot on location in both China and Lesotho all on a miniscule, self-funded budget by Carl and his friends. This beautifully shot short-film featured a cast of amateur actors who shared Carl's passion to tell a different, more human side of the China-Africa story. Carl joins Eric and Cobus to discuss the challenges he had to overcome to make this film and what he hopes the audience will take away from the film's core message. Join the discussion. What did you think of the movie? Are you more or less sympathetic to the plight of Chinese and African immigrants who both struggle to adapt to new languages, cultures and customs? Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  

For decades Zambia had been the flash point of anti-Chinese sentiment in Africa. Late president and outspoken opposition leader Michael Sata was unrivaled in his seething criticisms of both China and the Chinese who had migrated to his country. Prior to his election in 2011, he famously slammed the Chinese for paying "slave wages" at Chinese-owned mines and later suggested Beijing had designs on conquering Africa: "the Chinese are not here as investors, they are here as invaders," he said. Ironically, once Sata became president he completely reversed course with regards to the Chinese and became one of Beijing's most enthusiastic partners in Africa. Although Sata's views towards China evolved, Zambia's reputation as a focal point of anti-Chinese attitudes, or 'Sinophobia,' in Africa remained, particularly among a significant number of international journalists, NGOs and academic scholars. That Sinophobia in Zambia regularly expressed itself in all sorts of fanciful ways, ranging from false rumors that China was exporting cans of human flesh to be sold as food in Zambia or that China had planned to take over the country's national television broadcaster. Western Journalists and scholars have also written extensively on the growing Chinese population in the country and suggested through their "research" and "reporting" that Chinese migrants are increasingly unwelcome by indigenous communities. A lot of that western media reporting and scholarly research, though, was missing critical context. By examining Chinese migrants and companies in isolation of other groups (e.g. other races and nationalities), there is no way to contextualize the Chinese as being better or worse than others groups. Without understanding how Zambian perceptions of the Chinese are relative to those of other ethnic or foreign national groups, then a lot of the research and reporting on the subject is irreparably flawed. Hong Kong University of Science and Technology master's candidate Lu Yao recently embarked on one of the first academic studies to properly contextualize Zambian views of the Chinese within the culture's broader racial/ethnic paradigm. Her research concluded that Zambians held mixed views of the Chinese (for example, not regarded as highly as white people but also not as bad as how Zambians feel about Lebanese migrants). Yao, who incidentally was born in China but grew up in Zambia as the child of expatriate doctors, joins Eric & Cobus to discuss her recent findings and the politics of race and ethnic identity in Zambia. Join the discussion. Do you think the Chinese deserve the bad reputation they have in places like Zambia or are you persuaded by researchers like Lu Yao who say the story is far more complicated than how it is characterized in the international press? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque        

One of the many simple, widely-believed narratives about the Chinese in Africa is that PRC businesses fuel corruption across the continent. That caricature, although overly-simplistic, is amplified by China's insistence there be no transparency in most of its government and corporate dealings in Africa. So the combination of a Chinese veil over its business dealings with the prevalence of corruption that already exists in African societies createas a potentially toxic mix. Chinese corporate corruption in Africa is well documented. From allegations of paying off corrupt officials in the Republic of the Congo to illegally log protected rain forests to reportedly paying officials in the DR Congo a staggering $350 million as part of off-book fees to facilitate the multi-billion dollars mega-mining deal known as Sicomines. Then there is the man known as "Sam Pa." Although few people know his actual identity, what is known, according to Financial Times correspondent Tom Burgis who documented much of this man's notorious history in Africa in the 2015 book "The Looting Machine," is that billions of dollars flowed through his network as part of shady operations throughout Africa to secure oil drilling rights, mining deals and countless other Sino-African business arrangements.  Pa was notorious for fueling corruption, so much so, that the scope and scale of his allegedly-illegal dealings in Africa went too far. Pa is now sitting in a Chinese jail on corruption charges, swept up as part of Xi Jinping's vast anti-corruption campaign. The case of Sam Pa and the billions allegedly doled out by Chinese corporations in places like the DR Congo exemplify the kind of corruption that many people associate with the Chinese presence in Africa. However that is only part of the story. While some major Chinese corporations have been linked to these kinds of illegal activities, smaller Chinese businesses throughout the continent often operate on the other end of the spectrum: as the victims of corruption. Zander Rounds, Research Manager at China House Kenya in Nairobi, recently published a paper on the role that small-to-medium sized Chinese enterprises play in Kenyan corruption. Rounds conducted interviews with 25 Chinese business leaders in Kenya over a 10 month period, and what he learned over the course of his research is that as new immigrants in a country where they are forced to operate in an unfamiliar culture, language and legal system, Chinese business owners are easy targets for bribes. Rounds' research complicates the narrative that Chinese businesses are typically the instigators of corruption in Africa. He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his findings and also to explore what, if anything, can be done to help correct the problem in Kenya. Join the discussion. What do you think can be done to reign in corruption in Africa and what role do you think Chinese businesses can play? Share your thoughts and ideas with us: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

The South African government's 2015 decision to add Mandarin Chinese to the national curriculum sparked an uproar that baffled people in other, often more affluent societies around the world where the demand to learn Chinese far outstrips the supply of qualified teachers. Opposition to Mandarin education largely centered on the difficulty of the language and the fact that South Africa's educational system, as a whole, under-performs so adding yet another subject to an already burdened system will only make the situation worse. While opposition to Mandarin language education was far more vocal than in other countries across the continent, parents turn to social media to express their concerns that learning Chinese could come at the expense of improving their children's primary language skills in English, French, Arabic and Kiswahili among others. In school systems that already face a number of challenges ranging from a lack of resources to ballooning class size, these parents' concerns are understandable. In the end, according to critics, Chinese classes, while well intended, could potentially serve as a costly distraction to a child's core educational objectives. While some parents express reservations about their children learning Mandarin and the issue has become a full-fledged political debate in South Africa, elsewhere in Africa demand for Chinese classes is booming. The Chinese government is underwriting much of the Mandarin language education initiative in Africa through its language and cultural training centers known as "The Confucius Institutes." Currently, there are at least 46 Confucius Institutes across Africa with more expected in the coming years. So does it make sense for African children to learn Mandarin? Prominent African attorney Patrick Ache says "it depends." The South African-based, Cameroonian-born, Chinese speaking attorney agrees with parents who are worried about Mandarin classes being implemented at the expense of their children's core curriculum, but adds that if Chinese language education is paired with sophisticated technical training it could open tremendous professional opportunities for African youth. Patrick joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the merits of teaching Mandarin Chinese in African schools and why may it make a lot of sense for some children but not all. Join the discussion? Do you think Chinese should be added to the core curriculum of the schools in your community? Given that China is now Africa's largest trading partner, doesn't it make sense for more people across the continent to speak Mandarin. Tell us what you think: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque    

Faced with slumping economies, restive populations and, in many areas, the surging threat of sectarian violence, a growing number of African countries stand at a critical juncture where they must decide who to turn to for help: to their new friends in Beijing or to those 'lenders of last resort' in Washington, London and Brussels. Now that the days of 10% annual economic growth are decidedly over many African states are regretting that they did not do more to diversify their economies away from a crippling dependence on commodity exports. With oil, copper and timber prices among others remaining stubbornly low, massive debts are now piling up across the continent. Now a burgeoning economic crisis looms over Africa, prompting those old enough to remember the last time debt devoured the continent in the late 1970s/early 1980s when a toxic blend of finance and famine wreaked havoc. Unlike four decades ago, though, when Africa's economic fate was still firmly controlled by Europe, African leaders today seemingly have a lot more choice on who they can turn to for assistance, most notably China. The Chinese are the continent's largest trading partner, one of its most important investors and play a critical role in building desperately-needed infrastructure. All that may be true but the Chinese are not known for shelling out billions in emergency cash to flailing economies. Maybe the Japanese? Tokyo just announced a massive $30 billion investment package to rival China's $60 billion announcement back in December of 2015. That's all well and good but that money will take time to have any meaningful effect and certainly cannot be used to solve the current liquidity crisis. OK. Right. So maybe it might just be time to make a couple of awkward phone calls. Imagine the finance minister of, say for example, Zambia doing everything he can to procrastinate having to make the call. Maybe he plays an extra game of solitaire on his PC, calls an old friend to catch up and then surprises his wife with an offer to finally pick up the kids from school. Anything to avoid making this one phone call. Alas, though, he can't put it off any longer. Let's just say, for fun, that it went something like this: [RING____ RING____] "Christine (IMF honcho Christine Lagarde), ma cherie, bonjour, it has been so long since we last spoke. How are you? I know, I know it's been too long since we last spoke and I didn't exactly say the nicest things about your colleagues, because well, you know, the Chinese were here and spending a lot of money we thought... well, we thought... ummm... you see, it's a little complicated and now, well, errr, yeah, you see, we need your help again." In addition to the IMF, China and Japan, the US is also in the mix. Weighed down by own its domestic political turmoil as the country plods through a seemingly-never ending presidential election drama, Washington appears to be less focused on Africa's current economic turmoil than the equally troubling rise in Islamic radicalism and civil strife in Nigeria, South Sudan and across the Sahel. This week, Eric & Cobus discuss how all of this is now playing out in Africa and analyze the complicated, difficult choices that Africans leaders confront as they engage these various international partners. Join the discussion? Who do you think is best positioned to work with African states to help them to overcome their current economic difficulties? Or maybe no one? This is Africa's problem and it is for Africans to solve on their own without the interference/contribution of the international community? We'd love to hear from you: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque    

The Chinese telecom giant Huawei recently launched a massive publicity campaign to raise awareness in Africa about all that it is doing to train local employees. The company has opened at least five training centers in different countries across the continent and claims that it has provided skills training to 12,000 Africans students every year. Every year, Huawei sponsors thousands of IT engineers from Kenya, South Africa and Nigeria among others to travel to the company's headquarters in southern China for additional  skills development. Now the company says it wants to move beyond simple training programs to actually seeding African technology innovation. In July, Huawei announced a new partnership with South Africa's Department of Telecommunications and Postal Service to build new innovation centers to foster IT development. Similar centers are expected to launch elsewhere in Africa over the next few years. Africa is one of the fastest growing markets for Huawei as the company seeks to chip away at Samsung's regional dominance in mobile phones. In Kenya, for example, Huawei now has 50% market share for hand phones and is similarly strong in other fast growing African countries where a growing number of consumers are switching from basic feature phones to low-cost Android-powered smart phones. Given the importance and the vast potential of the African IT market, it makes a lot of sense for Huawei to invest in developing its local talent. Chinese companies, though, don't have the best reputation for labor relations and skills transfer in Africa. While some of the criticism of the Chinese is based on unfounded rumors and falsehoods, there are though legitimate reasons to be skeptical of Huawei's claims. While Huawei has been quite aggressive about publicizing its new training programs, the company is characteristically shy about revealing the actual effectiveness of these programs and whether the skills taught by the company are useful beyond Huawei and will young people to find jobs with other companies in the IT market. It is hard to tell, especially observing from the outside, as there really has not been much research done on the quality of Huawei's skills development programs. So for now it is almost impossible to determine if all the media hoopla the company is generating is legitimate  or just the typical corporate public relations propaganda. Johns Hopkins University masters candidate Ben Tsui wanted to find out. Ben recently completed a policy brief for the China-Africa Research Initiative on Huawei's training programs and skills transfer initiatives in Africa. He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his findings and whether or not Huawei deserves all of the attention that it's getting for its efforts to develop local IT talent across Africa. Join the discussion. Do you think Huawei deserves praise for its efforts to train thousands of Africans in IT or is this just more empty corporate PR that we should all treat with a certain degree of skepticism? Tell us what you think: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

The Chinese build more infrastructure in Africa than any other country (foreign or African). Chinese banks are financing billions of dollars in new loans, aid packages and other deals to build badly-needed infrastructure across the continent and it's Chinese companies that are doing most of the engineering and construction work. Between 2009 and 2014, the Chinese signed $328 billion in construction projects in Africa, an average of $54 billion a year, according to data from the international law firm Baker & McKenzie. This trend is widely expected to continue as Beijing turns to its new development bank, the AIIB, to focus more of its economic diplomacy around the world on building infrastructure. Even though the Chinese are making an enormous contribution to Africa's infrastructure development, there is a still a pervasive misperception that Chinese-built roads, bridges and other construction projects are of poor quality. Media reports of Chinese-made roads that quickly fall apart in Ethiopia or hospitals built by Chinese contractors in Angola that never opened due to cracks, have come to dominate many peoples' perceptions of the quality of work performed by the Chinese. New research, though, demonstrates that those anecdotes do not reflect the reality about the build-quality and reliability of Chinese construction work in Africa. Jamie Farrell, a master's candidate at Johns Hopkins University in the United States, researched how Chinese contractors performed in World Bank contracts in Africa compared to those from OECD countries. The World Bank is probably one of the best sources for information to do this kind of comparison given that China now wins more construction contracts from the Bank than any other country in the world. In fact, between 2007 and 2015, Chinese companies won almost a third of all World Bank infrastructure projects in Africa. So there is a lot of data to work with to compare both Chinese and OECD countries' performance. Jamie joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why the Chinese continue to have such a bad reputation for the quality of their infrastructure development work in Africa despite the fact that the data proves otherwise. Join the discussion. What do you think of Chinese construction projects in Africa and the quality of the roads, bridges, hospitals, airports, power plants and other vital infrastructure developments that they're building across the continent? Tell us what's on your mind: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @standenesque    

They did not know very much about China but they had heard it was the world's second largest economy and Africa's leading trading partner, so they assumed there must be opportunity. Europe, of course, was their first choice but with EU countries overwhelmed by migrants and cracking down on smugglers, China would have to do. Lured by deceptive visa brokers, hundreds, possibly thousands of young Gambian men leveraged everything they had to pay for the long journey from Banjul to Guangzhou. The brokers told them it would be easy to find work and make thousands of dollars to send back to their needy families in The Gambia. With few other viable options at home, these men, and they were all men, discovered almost immediately upon arrival in Guangzhou they had been lied to and they had made a dreadful mistake. Contrary to what they were led to believe, work was very hard to come by, particularly in a country where they could not speak the language. The high cost of living in China's major cities also quickly drained the little money they came with. Soon, these migrants would be alone and destitute with no work, no money and the shame of having to admit to their families that they had failed. China, for its part, does not make it easy for African migrants. After years of lax enforcement, Chinese authorities are now regularly conducting immigration checks in migrant communities and detaining those who have overstayed their visas. African migrants also report considerable difficulties assimilating into Chinese society due to widespread discrimination against black people. Now, more and more Gambian migrants are giving up on their "China Dream" and doing whatever they can to head home. This new trend of reverse migration from China is also known as "U-Turning" and was recently documented by a pair of European scholars as part of an independent online multimedia research project. Dr. Heidi Østbø Haugen of the University of Oslo and Manon Diederich, a Phd candidate at the University of Cologne in Germany, interviewed dozens of Gambian migrants to document their stories and learn more about the difficulties they faced both at home and in China. Heidi and Manon join Eric & Cobus to discuss their digital project "U-Turn Asia." What do you think? Are you sympathetic to the plight of these migrants or do you think they were naive and should have known about the challenges of life in China before embarking on this long, risky journey? Join the discussion: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  

Over the past five years the Chinese military presence in Africa has undergone a profound change. Until 2012, the Chinese were happy to play a low-key support role in multinational peacekeeping operations on the continent, preferring to send military engineers and medical staff rather than deploy combat forces. Today, that is no longer the case. China is in fact the eighth-largest supplier of troops for UN peacekeeping operations in Africa and the largest among the five permanent Security Council members, according to the European Council on Foreign Relations. The large and growing Chinese military presence in Africa is also becoming increasingly diverse both in terms of where its forces are deployed and their operational capacity. China's most sophisticated warships have been actively involved in multinational anti-piracy operations since 2008 off the coast of Somalia in the Gulf of Aden. In West Africa, People's Liberation Army (PLA) deployed elite medical units, including a massive hospital ship, to Ebola-ravaged regions in Liberia and Sierra Leone and, similarly, Chinese military medical teams have also been dispatched to the eastern DRC where they provide desperately needed healthcare to the embattled civilian population. Around 2014, the Chinese began to shift their military engagement strategy in Africa to include the deployment of combat-ready infantry units to countries like Mali and South Sudan where the United Nations is being actively targeted by Islamist radicals and partisan fighters. Although three Chinese soldiers have been killed this year in Africa, experts note these PLA combat forces are typically confined to their bases and rarely venture outside the wire. Nonetheless, the fact that the Chinese have taken that first step in redefining their role in African security operations is significant and with the imminent completion of the PLA Navy's new outpost in Djibouti, it seems likely that this trend will continue in the coming years. Mathieu Duchâtel, Richard Gowan & Manuel Lafont Rapnouil recently explored China's new military engagement strategy in Africa in a policy brief for the European Council on Foreign Relations. The trio raised the interesting question of how a more robust Chinese security presence in Africa will impact European military operations on the continent given that countries like France and Britain among others have long considered Africa to be a traditional sphere of influence. Mathieu and Manuel join Cobus to discuss the rapidly changing multinational security architecture in Africa. Join the discussion. Do you think China's increased military engagement in Africa is good for the region? Let us know what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander & @stadenesque

South Africa's relationship with China has undergone a profound transformation in a remarkably short period of time. In less than twenty years, these two countries have gone from barely acknowledging one another to developing a deep partnership that transcends economics, politics and ideology. Pretoria's recent public backing of Beijing's position in the bitter territorial dispute in the South China Sea highlights how these two countries have widened their engagement with one another, far beyond that of any other African country. Economically, South Africa is among the top destinations for Chinese investment in Africa. Politically, the two countries are now more aligned than ever on sensitive issues like internet freedom, international justice and even the Dalai Lama. It's in the ideological sphere, though, that the two countries have evolved the most in recent years. China's ties with South Africa now extend beyond the state-level to an increasingly close embrace between the countries' two ruling parties, the African National Congress and the Chinese Communist Party. The ANC and the CCP now have a parallel engagement track that is seemingly entirely separate from that of the day-to-day state-led diplomacy between the two countries. In many ways, the ANC appears to be modeling itself on the Chinese Communist Party and how the CCP have fused together state and party power as means of ensuring indefinite political dominance. Alison Bradley is a China-specialist and South African native who recently published a paper in the Journal of Contemporary China on the state of Sino-South African ties. In her analysis "China and South Africa: Emerging Powers in an Uncomfortable Embrace," Alison argues that on the surface things may look tight between the Chinese and South Africans, but dig a little and the situation is much more complicated. Alison joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why China's engagement in South Africa is among the most varied and complex of any its ties in Africa. Join the discussion. What do you think of South Africa's full-on embrace of both Chinese politics and the CCP's ideological model? Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque        

It was not that long ago that entire neighborhoods in the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou were overflowing with African migrants. Although there are no precise figures, scholars estimated that between 20,000-100,000 African immigrants used to lived in Guangzhou, or as it is glibly known as "chocolate city." Today, those same neighborhoods, once filled with halal food shops and other stores that catered to China's African migrants, have been completely transformed, or as the Chinese government prefers to characterize it as "beautified." Across Guangzhou, there are ever-mounting pressures on African migrants that are prompting more and more to just pack up and leave. Although Guangzhou's urban planning agenda and tighter immigration controls may be partially responsible for the displacement of the African migrant community, experts believe that the PRC's changing economy is more likely the main reason as to why the African population is rapidly disappearing. The harsh reality is that it is a lot more expensive to do business in China today than it was just a couple of years ago. With the standard of living in many of China's major cities comparable to those of in many parts of Europe, it is much more expensive to live and do business in places like Guangzhou today than it was even just a couple of years ago. Hong Kong-based journalist Jenni Marsh has been covering the African communities in China for several years, first for the South China Morning Post and now as a producer for CNN International. She recently published a multi-media report on the growing number of African migrants who have given up on the Chinese dream. Jenni joins Eric & Cobus to discuss what's behind the new phenomenon known as "U-Turning" where thousands of African migrants are leaving China to return home. Join the discussion. Do you feel that it is hypocritical of China to crack down on African migrants at home while hundreds of thousands of Chinese people have migrated to Africa in recent years? Facebook: www.facbeook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque    

The financial implosion in Venezuela is prompting growing concern in Beijing that China may have been too ambitious in its drive to loan billions of dollars to high-risk countries throughout the global south. Persistently low oil prices combined with corrupt, incompetent leadership in Caracas have pushed the country to the brink of economic collapse. The dire situation in Venezuela raises the real possibility that for the first time a country will default on its to debt to China. Far more worrisome for Beijing, though, is that other countries in Latin America and Africa could soon follow Venezuela's example. Since 2000, the Chinese government, banks and companies have issued over $86 billion of loans in Africa. In many instances, that debt is secured against oil, minerals and other natural resources -- and that's the problem. Commodity prices have been low for years now, making it even more difficult for those highly-leveraged African states to repay these enormous Chinese loans. In Angola, for example, much of the country's oil exports are being used to repay at least $20 billion in Chinese loans. That means the country is not actually earning any real money (cash that is) from its oil exports prompting a liquidity crisis that is also fueling inflation. Similarly in Kenya, China is now the country's largest creditor and owns over half of its external debt. Professor Matt Ferchen of the Carnegie-Tsinghua Center in Beijing is among a growing number of experts who warn that Chinese leaders really need to understand what is happening in Venezuela so they can help prevent similar financial calamities from unfolding in Africa. Matt joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the risk of too much Chinese debt in Africa. Join the conversation. Are you worried about African countries defaulting on their debt to China? Tell us what you think. Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

Namibia is the rare country in Africa that seems to be holding its own against ivory poachers. Whereas in most other southern African countries the elephant population is being decimated, in Namibia, according to the government, the number of elephants has actually increased by 20% since 2005 to over 20,000. Namibia's zero tolerance policy for poachers may explain in part why they have been able to succeed where so many other states have failed. Yet despite their best efforts, the illegal ivory trade remains a serious problem, particularly among Namibia's immigrant Chinese community. Independent Chinese journalist Shi Yi traveled to Namibia to report on how some of the Chinese population there is involved in the illicit ivory trade. During her investigation, she discovered that a lot of the ivory trade is done by small-scale Chinese merchants, neighborhood shop owners and individuals rather than the organized crime syndicates that traffic ivory in other African countries. Shi Yi's reporting on the subject, both in English and in Chinese, received widespread praise including the Journalist of the Year Award at this year's China Environmental Press Awards. She joins Eric & Cobus to explain how the ivory trade works within the Chinese community in Namibia and why it will be very difficult to stop. Join the discussion. What more do you think can be done to stop the illegal ivory trade and is China doing enough? Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

Nowhere else in Africa do China's financial, diplomatic and geopolitical interests confront as much risk as they do in South Sudan. Beijing has invested billions of dollars in the country's oil sector, deployed over a thousand troops to serve as UN Peacekeepers and committed considerable diplomatic capital to help resolve the ongoing civil/ethnic war between President Salva Kiir against former Vice President Riek Machar. Even though Beijing has repeatedly deployed its most senior Africa-diplomats to help broker a ceasefire and committed vast sums of money for investment and development, none of it seems like it will do much to slow South Sudan's seemingly inevitable decline to becoming the world's newest failed-state. The destruction this conflict has caused is staggering. Since fighting broke out in December 2013, an estimated 50,000 people have been killed, many by some of the 16,000 child soldiers who have been forcibly conscripted by both sides. Now a quarter of a million refugees are on the move, fleeing the combined threats of war, drought and famine. Even against these seemingly insurmountable challenges, Beijing's point man for South Sudan remains stubbornly upbeat. “We as a government are cautiously optimistic about the future of South Sudan. The country’s leaders must remember that peace and security are essential for the growth of the people and the economy,” said Zhong Jianhua, China’s Special Representative for African Affairs, during a May 2016 interview in Beijing. So why is China so committed to South Sudan? It probably has something to do with money and oil, but that doesn't explain everything because for a country as large as China, the billions invested in South Sudan represents a relatively small piece of a truly massive global investment portfolio. So what is it? Independent journalist and Guardian (UK) columnist Antony Lowenstein traveled to South Sudan in 2015 to cover the fighting. While in Juba, he also learned a lot more about what the Chinese are doing (or not)  in South Sudan. Antony joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the findings from his reporting assignment and whether he shares Ambassador Zhong's optimism for the future of the country. What do you think of China's engagement in South Sudan? Naked imperialism in pursuit of the country's vast oil reserves or a genuine effort to bring peace to help end a brutal conflict? Join the discussion: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

Four years and hundreds of billions of dollars later, China's ambitious global trading strategy known as the "New Maritime Silk Road" or "One Belt, One Road" (OBOR) is now coming to life, particularly in parts of East Africa where major infrastructure and defense projects are being built. New ports in Tanzania, rail lines in Kenya, naval facilities in Djibouti and industrial zones along the Suez canal in Egypt are all intended to support this massive new trade network that president Xi Jinping hopes will become a key pillar of his foreign policy agenda. With the first phase of construction nearing completion in East Africa, focus is now shifting to the next stage where Chinese planners are reportedly considering expanding the trading route inland into Central Africa. This is prompting intense new lobbying battles among African countries to win Beijing's favor and the billions of dollars of badly-needed infrastructure investment that come with being a node on the "One Belt, One Road" network. Many outsiders know very little about "One Belt, One Road" and its history. The incorrect assumption is that this is a new phase of Xi's more assertive global foreign policy designed to challenge the US-led international economic order. In contrast, OBOR is rooted in a decade-old policy that was actually designed to counter fears of a hegemonic China. The so-called "Peaceful Rise" or "Peaceful Development" was first introduced by former Chinese president Hu Jintao when he promoted the concept of fusing China's expanding foreign policy objectives with a development agenda and a global trading strategy. Matt Ferchen is an Associate Professor of International Relations at Tsinghua University and a Resident Scholar at the Carnegie-Tsinghua Center for Global Policy where he is a leading OBOR expert with a particular focus on how it will impact the global south. Matt joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the new politics of Chinese trade. Join the discussion. What do you think about China's ambitious global trading strategy and its implications for Africa? Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Facebook: @eolander | @stadenesque

There's a pretty good chance that some of the clothes you're wearing, the shoes on your feet and even the device you're using to read this were made in China. Even as its economy slows, China remains the world's factory, churning out billions of dollars every year of goods. The government, though, wants to change this which could be a huge opportunity for countries like Ethiopia and Africa as a whole. As China transitions its economy from manufacturing to services, 85 million jobs will be up for grabs as a lot of that industrial production looks for a new home. Ethiopia, for its part, is aggressively positioning itself as a destination for some of that Chinese manufacturing. Ethiopia, and Africa in general, may be a tough sale for manufacturers who are always looking to keep costs as low as possible. Compared to regions like Southeast Asia, where most of the outbound Chinese manufacturing is going, Ethiopia's infrastructure is less developed, its work force is less educated and its supply chain networks are not as a robust. But none of Ethiopia’s challenges seems to discourage Helen Hai. Helen is the exuberant CEO of the Made in Africa Initiative and former vice president of the Chinese shoe-making giant Huajian. Back in 2011 she set up the company’s first factory in Addis Ababa where today 4,000 workers produce 7,500 pairs of shoes for famous brands like Guess, 9West and many others. Helen believes the success of Huajian in Ethiopia is just the beginning. She points to the country's ability to attract Chinese auto manufacturers and other heavy industry as evidence that not just Ethiopia but Africa in general is well-positioned to pick up some of that industrial production that is now leaving China. Helen joined Eric & Cobus to discuss the future of industrial production in Africa and why she thinks "Made in China" could one day become "Made in Africa." Join the discussion. Do you think Africa is ready to transform itself from largely commodity and agricultural-based economies to manufacturing industrial goods? What about the lack of infrastructure, corruption and poor governance? Let us know what you think: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

The company behind the racist Chinese laundry detergent ad that sparked widespread online outrage around the world issued a half-hearted apology for the uproar it caused. Actually, it was one of those 'we're sorry if anyone was offended' kind of apologies, nonetheless Shanghai Leishang Cosmetics did say sorry to Africans for any misunderstandings caused by the Qiaobi detergent ad: "We express our apology for the harm caused to the African people because of the spread of the ad and the over-amplification by the media,” the company said.  It's the second part of their 'kind of' apology that is especially interesting. Deep down, it's highly likely that they are not really that sorry about the whole thing, but they do seem perturbed that the international media made such a fuss: "The foreign media might be too sensitive about the ad," said a company spokesman. The media seemingly picked up on the massive internet outrage that erupted, mostly in the US and UK, about the ad and the shocking characterization of black people as being "dirty." For most westerners, this type of blatant in-your-face racism is more reminiscent of 19th century 'black face' media in the US than the more subtle, yet equally destructive, stereotypes of black people that remain depressingly-common in contemporary television and film. Now that this incident appears to be settling down and we can step back to analyze what happen, it's apparent just how little Chinese society has progressed in understanding the importance of racial and cultural diversity as well as how seriously much of the rest of the world takes this issue. Throughout much of this affair, it really seemed that Chinese and Westerners were speaking past each other as if it was two totally different conversations. Westerners, mostly white people, were visibly outraged by the Chinese callousness. Meanwhile, the prevailing Chinese response was often confusion over what all the fuss was about. Not surprisingly, this led to a retreat into an instinctive defensive crouch that occurs whenever China comes under sustained criticism from the West. Nicole Bonnah is the Beijing-based founder of the Blacks Lives in China blog and a documentary producer working on a new film about black and African experiences in China. In response to the recent controversy, Nicole wrote an entry for her blog this week that said the time is now here for the Chinese to accept some responsibility for the "Afric-phobia" and anti-black racism that is prevalent in contemporary Chinese society. She joined Eric to discuss her recent blog post and to reflect on the Qiaobi ad controversy as a whole. Join the conversation. We'd love to hear your thoughts on whether you agree with the online outrage that enough is enough and the Chinese can no longer hide behind the veil of "cultural context" that is so often used to justify offensive Chinese attitudes towards people of other races and ethnicities? Or do the Chinese have a point that the hyper political correctness in the West, so often criticized by Westerners themselves (ahem, Donald Trump) is to blame and that everyone is getting excited over this simple TV commercial for nothing. Tell us what you think: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque  

The Chinese presence in Africa has been so sudden and so all-encompassing that it's left a lot of people confused. Chinese farmers now compete for space and customers in Lusaka's open-air markets, Chinese textiles are undercutting Nigerian manufacturers, tens of thousands of Africans now work for Chinese companies and hundreds of thousands, even millions of Chinese now call Africa home. This has all happened in just the past decade, leaving people little time to adjust and understand the cultural, political and economic changes that have been set in motion by the Chinese. So it's understandable that people have questions, and not always polite, politically correct questions about one another: Why are Chinese so racist towards black people? Why do Chinese bosses think African workers are lazy? Why do the Chinese import workers when there are so many unemployed people already here? Over the past six years a growing number of people have directed those sensitive question towards us at The China Africa Project where every week we receive a growing amount of DMs, PMs and emails from curious listeners and social media followers. Since many of these questions deal with incendiary issues of race, stereotypes and caricatures, Cobus & Eric would discretely provide one-to-one replies. However it became apparent that these are in fact the key issues that are on everyone's minds and that it's critical that they get seen by a wider audience. Beginning May 2016, The China Africa Project launched a new site "Africa-China Q&A"  that tackles head-on the hardest, most sensitive issues in the China-Africa relationship. Every week, a new Q&A column will be posted and distributed to newspaper sites and popular portals in the United States, Africa and soon in China as well (translated into Chinese). If you have a question or comment and would like to join the discussion, just send us an email at questions@chinaafricaproject.com, message us on Facebook at www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject or DM us on Twitter: @eolander | @standenesque.

The Western and African media have long fueled the myth that Chinese investors are buying up vast tracts of land across Africa as part of some neo-colonial plan to export food back to China. Sure, on one level, the theory appears plausible: China has around 20% of the world's population with less than 7% of the planet's arable land, so it seems obvious that Beijing might look abroad in search of farmland to feed its people. There's only one small problem. That premise, no matter how convincing it may sound, is just flat-out wrong. Johns Hopkins University professor Deborah Brautigam detailed all of the reasons why this myth remains so durable in her 2015 book "Will Africa Feed China?" A lot of it, according to Brautigam,has to do with a mix of bad journalism, Western narratives of African victimization and the Chinese themselves who oversell their ambitions in Africans. Now, though, there's a twist to the story. Not only are the Chinese not on a land-buying spree in Africa, it appears they are actually doing more to support African agricultural development than any other country in the world. Professor Ian Scoones from the Insitute of Development Studies at the University of Sussex recently completed a four-country research project into Chinese agricultural engagement in Africa and discovered that the combination of Chinese immigrant farmers in Africa along with the deployment of Chinese agricultural technology and PRC government training programs that have brought some 10,000 African officials to China have all had a remarkably positive impact on Africa's struggling agricultural sector. Professor Scoones joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why Chinese engagement in African agriculture is not what it seems. Join the discussion. Are you encouraged or concerned about China's interest in African agriculture? Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque    

Chinese companies around the world, particularly in Africa, have a well-earned reputation for being bad corporate citizens. There are countless stories of labor rights violations, disregard of environmental policies and lack of engagement with local communities among many other allegations. While all of these examples highlight a serious problem in China's overseas corporate governance, it doesn't tell the whole story. New research from the International Institute for Environment and Development that surveyed 58 representatives across three African countries revealed that Chinese corporate behavior varies widely depending on the local conditions of where it invests. That is, in those areas where there is weak rule of law, for example, Chinese and other foreign investors tend to behave poorly. However, elsewhere, where there are higher standards, Chinese companies behave significantly better, thus challenging the prevailing negative narrative about Chinese companies disregard of corporate social responsibility. IIED researcher Weng Xiaoxue helped prepare the new report where she also noted that a new generation of younger Chinese corporate managers in Africa is behaving very differently from their older predecessors who were too often reluctant to engage with locals, communicate with the media and implement effective corporate social responsibility practices. Xiaoxue joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why the old memes about Chinese corporate behavior in Africa are rapidly changing. Join the discussion? How do Chinese companies in your country or community behave? Facebook: www.chinaafricaproject.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twiter: @eolander | @stadenesque

Being black in China is not easy, but it's not as bad as many would have you think, according to our two guests this week who are both black immigrants currently living in Beijing. Sure, people stare a lot and there are often some inappropriate questions about hair and skin color but more often than not says Black Lives in China creator Nicole Bonnah, those awkward questions come from a good place: curiosity. Nicole, originally from the United Kingdom, is a Beijing-based journalist who is embarking on an ambitious documentary film project about daily life for black immigrants living across China. One of the people Nicole interviewed for the film was Tiffany Johnson, an African-American educator also based in Beijing. Tiffany, like Nicole, said China's largely homogeneous culture and inexperience in dealing with diversity does lead to some awkward encounters, but she adds that it would incorrect to label this "racism." Compared to the United States, where race is a filter for almost everything in society, the Chinese are largely ignorant about issues of race.  So when Chinese people say things that would otherwise be off-limits in Africa or the West, Tiffany and Nicole argue that because the intent isn't the same than as if those same words were said in New York, London or Johannesburg, the impact is also different. Nicole and Tiffany join Eric & Cobus to talk about what it's like to be a black in China. Join the discussion! What do you think about the issues of race and multiculturalism in China? Let us know what's on your mind: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

Remember when the BRICS were going to power the global economy? Well, the past few years have not been kind to Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa. With the exception of India, the other members of this once elite diplomatic club are struggling in many different ways. So while China and other emerging markets have pared back their investments in Africa, this has opened an opportunity for new players to step in to the market. Although Turkey's annual trade with Africa is just a tenth of China's, the Turks are making a big push in the strategically important areas in North Africa. As a Muslim country, Turkey has also has a number of key advantages when competing in this region, particularly against the Chinese who are still relative new-comers operating in predominantly Islamic cultures. Former US ambassador David Shinn is an expert on Sino-African relations but recently he has turned his focus to Turkey's investment in Africa. As a former US diplomat and now an adjunct professor at George Washington University in Washington, D.C., ambassador Shinn is uniquely qualified to place Turkey's engagement in Africa in the broader context of what the US and Chinese diplomatic and economic engagement in the region. Ambassador Shinn joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the changing landscape of foreign investment in Africa. Join the discussion. What do you think of Turkish economic engagement in Africa? Tell us what's on your mind: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

The Kenyan government's consent to a Chinese request for the deportation of dozens of alleged cyber and telecom fraud has now bloomed into a full scale diplomatic crisis. Among those forcibly sent to China included dozens of Taiwan nationals, many of who were cleared on all charges by Kenya's courts. The Taiwan government, for its part,blasted Beijing for orchestrating an "uncivilised act of abduction" that is illegal under international law. Not surprisingly, the Chinese government rejects Taiwan's accusations sparking a serious challenge for the island's newly elected president Tsai Ing-wen who assumes office in May. Tensions between the two governments have been on the rise since Tsai's landslide election win that brought the pro-independence opposition Democratic Progressive Party back into power for the first time in almost a decade. Although this is the first time that an African country has collaborated with China to forcibly deport alleged criminal suspects for telecom fraud, the practice is widespread among various governments and has a long history on the continent. Eric & Cobus explore the context of the Sino-Kenyan action and discuss how it is part of a broader global trend of the Chinese reaching far overseas to enforce its laws at home. Join the discussion over whether you are concerned by the extending arm of China's law enforcement. Are you worried? Do you wish your country would do the same? Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @standenesque

Amid a prolonged economic downturn and a weakening yuan, Chinese investors have steadily turned their focus to buying overseas assets. While there are a number of complicated reasons behind the massive capital outflows over the past 18 months, the fact remains that both individual and corporate investors are looking abroad for growth opportunities and hedges against currency fluctuations at home. In 2015, an estimated 750 billion dollars of Chinese money left the country. For individuals, foreign real estate is among the preferred investment options as Chinese families buy second homes in Australia, the United States and Europe. For some, these homes are purely for investment but for many other Chinese buying real estate allows them to secure residency, secure a base for their children's education and as environmental conditions worsen in China, living abroad is increasingly seen as a desirable option. In the past, Africa has not been a popular destination for Chinese real estate investors but there is new evidence to suggest that may no longer be the case. Dr Honita Cowaloosur of the Centre for Chinese Studies at Stellenbosch University in Cape Town recently completed an in-depth research study on China's growing appetite for property in South Africa and Mauritius. Honita joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why Chinese investors are now choosing to invest in African real estate and why the continent is seen as an increasingly desirable investment destination.   Join the discussion. What do you think of more Chinese investment in African real estate? Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque

How foreign journalists report on the China-Africa story is often determined by the national origin of their news organization. While there are no doubt exceptions, the US news media frequently frame China as the neo-colonial aggressor and Africa as the persistent victim of foreign agendas. The French, for their part, too often simply ignore the story and the Chinese frame Sino-African ties in almost exclusively positive terms that echo official policy positions. These so-called "embedded narratives" run deep, particularly among older journalists, but a new generation of young foreign correspondents in Africa is challenging some of these dated caricatures. Zhang Zizhu is a Special Correspondent in Nairobi for the Hong Kong-based global TV news network Phoenix Info News Channel. Zizhu is an unusual position as Chinese journalist based in Africa who does not work for any of the official Chinese Communist Party-run media like Xinhua or CCTV Africa. As an independent journalist reporting for a privately-owned TV channel, Zizhu has much more flexibility in the stories she covers and how she frames her reports. Zizhu joins Eric & Cobus to reflect on the benefits of covering the Chinese in Africa with the benefit of being a Mandarin-speaking ethnic Chinese herself. However, she adds, that even with those advantages, Zizhu still faces many of the same obstacles that frustrate other foreign reporters assigned to report on China's engagement in Africa. What do you think of the news media's coverage of the Chinese in Africa? Join the discussion: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque Web: www.chinaafricaproject.com

Chinese government officials have been on all-out PR offensive across Africa lately to reassure increasingly nervous political and business leaders that even though China's economy may be slowing it will not affect the PRC's investment plans in Africa. Africans, for their part, have reason to be worried. Chinese trade with the continent has fallen sharply, 40% by some estimates, in 2015. Similarly, Chinese FDI in Africa plunged a staggering 84% last year. With commodity prices still at decade-lows and Chinese demand for Africa's raw materials not picking up, the stakes for Africa's export-dependent economies are extremely high. Nicholas Norbrook, Managing Editor of The Africa Report magazine, examined how much of Africa's current economic headwinds are due to China's ongoing transition from a manufacturing to a service-led economy. Nick joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his article, "When China sneezes, does Africa catch a cold?" from the March edition of the magazine. What do you think? Join the discussion on Africa's economic interdependence with China: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander | @stadenesque Web: www.chinaafricaproject.com  

In their new book "Continental Shift: A Journey into Africa's 21st Century," South African authors Kevin Bloom and Richard Poplak embarked on 14-country odyssey across two continents over a span of five years to report on Africa's changing economic, political and social landscapes. What they discovered along the way was that China's role had become pivotal in so many of the African countries they visited.  The Chinese presence in Africa, they observed, "is the defining phenomenon of our time." Bloom and Poplak don't advocate that China's ever-expanding engagement across the continent is either good or bad for Africa. It's neither, it's both, it's complicated. What isn't in dispute, though, is that China is changing Africa either through new infrastructure, more trade, imported labor, corruption and in countless other ways. The two journalist/authors join Eric & Cobus to discuss their new book and their perceptions of China's role in Africa's 'continental shift.' If you'd like to join the conversation: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Twitter: @eolander & @stadenesque Web: www.chinaafricaproject.com

Every couple of years we like to take a break from our usual routine of discussing the week's leading China/Africa news or interviewing analysts in order to take our listeners behind the scenes at The China Africa Project. Every month, Eric & Cobus receive quite a bit of feedback on the show via email, Twitter, Facebook and even Weibo in Chinese. While we do try to respond to each correspondence, we also enjoy sharing some of the comments and questions with all of our listeners (including the occasional harsh negative critiques). Join us for a behind the scenes look at The China Africa Project including a discussion on the sensitive racial and cultural issues related to reporting on both Africa and China. We always love to hear from you so if you would like to join the discussion or contact us directly, here's how: FACEBOOK: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject TWITTER: @eolander and @stadenesque WEIBO (Chinese): @dabizilaowai EMAIL: eric@chinaafricaproject.com

China's lofty ambition to revive its ancient silk road trading routes is now becoming a reality. When complete, One Belt, One Road (OBOR), or the Maritime Silk Road as it is more commonly known, will connect China via rail and shipping links with major markets in the Middle East, Central Asia and Africa. Billions of dollars in new rail, shipping and airport infrastructure are underway in dozens of countries including Egypt, Djibouti and Kenya who are among a small group of African countries that are expected to benefit most from OBOR. While most countries welcome the Chinese investment and inclusion in Beijing's trading network, there is mounting concern as to whether will actually be able to pull off such a large, complex undertaking. Furthermore, in some ways, OBOR is also reminiscent of Britain's old imperial trading network that was designed to extract natural resources from its colonial outposts and then sell back finished goods to these markets. Shannon Tiezzi is the Managing Editor of the Asian affairs online news magazine The Diplomat and has been following OBOR's development, particularly in Africa. She joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the global implications of OBOR and its impact in Africa.

Thousands of Chinese migrants who settled in Africa over the past ten years now face mounting uncertainty as economic growth slows across the continent and back home in China. While there are no reliable estimates as to how many Chinese migrants there are in Africa, experts believe the population to be somewhere between one and two million people. The Chinese expatriate and immigrant community in Africa is extremely diverse, and for a certain slice of that community the new, grim economic realities pose real challenges. Many are either too poor or too financially invested in Africa to go anywhere else. Dr. Yoon Jung Park is one of the world's leading experts on Chinese migration in Africa. Dr. Park is an Adjunct Associate Professor in the African studies department at Georgetown University in Washington, D.C. She joins Eric & Cobus to discuss what impact the slowing global economy will have on China's migrant population in Africa. If you want to join the conversation, we'd love to hear from you. Post your feedback on the China Africa Project Facebook page at www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject or hit us up on Twitter: Eric: @eolander Cobus: @stadenesque Subscribe to this podcast on iTunes: www.itunes.com/ChinaAfricaPodcast

China's engagement in Africa is often seen by many observers in a vacuum without a broader understanding of how the relationship compares to Beijing's strategy in other regions of the world. South America, in particular, provides an interesting contrast for how China's engagement is both similar to what it's doing in Africa but also highlights a number of fascinating distinctions. Dr. Matt Ferchen is a leading expert on Chinese-South American relations. Dr. Ferchen is an Associate Professor of international relations at the prestigious Tsinghua University in Beijing and he is also a Resident Scholar at the Carnegie-Tsinghua Center where he runs the China and the Developing World program. Dr. Ferchen joins Eric & Cobus for the latest installment in our ongoing series of China and the world discussions to compare China's engagement in Africa with what it's doing in Latin and South America. If you would like to join the discussion, tell us what you think by heading over to the China Africa Project Facebook page at www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject or hit us up on Twitter: Eric: @eolander Cobus: @stadenesque Matt Ferchen: @mattferchen

"When the buying stops, the killing can too" reads the popular slogan that WildAid uses in its anti-ivory campaign to raise awareness in China. WildAid, along with most Western environmentalists, contend that curbing demand in China for ivory is the key factor to help save the African elephant from extinction. Damien Mander disagrees. Mander is the founder of the International Anti-Poaching Foundation and a leader in a new movement that is militarizing the fight against illegal wildlife poaching in southern Africa. Mander is a former Australia special forces soldier who also served multiple tours in Iraq as private military contractor. Today, he trains wildlife protection teams throughout southern Africa where he says the fight to save these animals will not be won by curbing demand in Asia but combating the organized crime syndicates that run the illegal ivory trade. Damien Mander joins Eric & Cobus to discuss what he thinks needs to be done to save Africa's rapidly shrinking elephant population. Join the discussion and tell us what you think of Mander's approach to save Africa's elephants: Facebook: www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject Eric on Twitter: @eolander Cobus on Twitter: @standenesque Subscribe to the China in Africa podcast: www.itunes.com/ChinaAfricaPodcast

Eric Olander and Cobus van Staden discuss the impact in Africa of China's faltering economy and how Chinese officials are prompting a new, somewhat counter-intuitive message that the PRC's economic slowdown may actually be a good thing for Africa. Share your thoughts on today's show and follow the very latest China-Africa news at www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject. Stay on the top of the week's most important China-Africa news with the China Africa Project's weekly email newsletter. Sign up here: http://on.fb.me/1W3fEpr Follow us on Twitter: Eric: @eolander Cobus: @stadenesque This podcast is a production of the China Africa Project: www.chinaafricaproject.com

Chinese president Xi Jinping's three-country tour of the Middle East and North Africa offers yet another example of Beijing's expanding drive for increased global influence. During his first visit to the region, Xi traveled to Saudi Arabia, Egypt and Iran where he inserted his government into the mix of some of the world's most volatile regions. That Xi chose to visit these countries for his first overseas trip of the year, a highly symbolic act that is closely watched by Chinese foreign policy observers, is not surprising given China's increased dependence on oil from the Middle East and Persian Gulf. Experts contend, though, that there was much more to the trip than the usual cash-for-resources tours that Chinese leaders often do elsewhere in Africa. In this instance, there's a lot more at stake. One Belt, One Road Both Egypt and Iran are critical pieces in China's rapidly evolving global trading strategy that aims to revive the ancient silk road that once connected Persia with China. Known commonly as One Belt, One Road (OBOR), China hopes to link its economy with markets in Central Asia, the Middle East and Africa through expansive new maritime routes, international rail lines and other overland connections. If successful, OBOR promises to bring billions of dollars in Chinese development funds to these countries and further integrate them into China's trading orbit. A region in flux Xi's visit also coincides with a series of dramatic power shifts in the region that provides a unique opportunity for Beijing to expand its influence in the region. Saudi Arabia's growing alienation from the United States, a once unshakable alliance, over Washington's rapprochement with Iran allowed for Xi to receive a much warmer welcome in Riyadh than he would have just a few years ago. Separately, across the Persian Gulf in Iran, Ayatollah Ali Khamenei expressed his eagerness for building a deeper relationship with China to serve as a potential counterweight to the United States. Similarly, in Egypt, president Abdul Fattah el-Sisi's turbulent relationship with Washington no doubt contributed to his enthusiastic courtship of Chinese investment and development during Xi's visit. Risks everywhere While the strategic logic of China's desire to broaden its reach in the Middle East and North Africa is obvious, the key question is whether or not Beijing is capable of successful navigating the region's volatile, often violent politics. This is new diplomatic terrain for the Chinese and the risk of policy missteps are very high. For now, the Chinese don't bring much more to the table than money. If their people and big new investments get sucked in to the sectarian conflicts that are ravaging the region, it will not be easy for China to extricate itself without suffering considerable losses (both human and financial). Lina Benabdallah is a China-Africa scholar at the University of Florida's Center for Africa Studies where she is pursuing her Phd. Lina's research focuses on Chinese foreign and security policy in Africa and as a native Arab speaker from Algeria, she also closely follows China's diplomatic activity in North Africa and the Arab world. Lina joins Eric & Cobus this week to discuss Xi's recent Mideast trip and what it says about the current direction of Chinese foreign policy.

Chinese special operations forces are training in the Western deserts of Xinjiang in complex search and rescue missions, in environments that closely resemble North Africa or certain parts of the Middle East. These newly-trained military forces have recently been empowered by a new counter-terrorism law passed in December that grants the Chinese military authority to venture overseas to protect endangered PRC people and property. For many in China, the legal ability to project power anywhere in the world to protect its citizens and investments felt long over due. After all, China has investments and people in almost every country, particularly in high-risk nations in volatile regions such as the Middle East and North Africa where dozens of Chinese nationals have been targeted by Islamic extremists in recent years. The vulnerability of Chinese citizens abroad and the necessity to do something to be able to protect them came into clear focus last November when Fan Jinghui was killed by ISIS militants in Syria and when three Chinese nationals were killed by al-Qaeda militants during a hotel siege in the Malian capital Bamako. While dramatic, these two terrorist events were by no means isolated incidents, particularly in Africa where Chinese people are frequently targeted for kidnapping. In Angola, the situation is so dire that a senior embassy official warned Luanda that unless the government does something to bring the hostage-taking of Chinese nationals under control, it could affect PRC investment in the country. There have also been a number of Chinese kidnappings in Cameroon and South Sudan among others places in Africa. But there's a problem... The Chinese are seeking to develop similar force projection capabilities as the United States to be able to deploy either special operations teams for highly specific missions or to be able to mobilize large numbers of ships and planes for mass evacuations as happened in Libya and Yemen. While on many levels this all makes sense, until one considers that the foundation of modern Chinese foreign policy is anchored firmly in the non-interference doctrine established by former Premier Zhou Enlai in the 1970s. By definition the deployment of military forces into another country is an act of intervention in that country's internal affairs, regardless of how noble China's mission may be to rescue its citizens or protect its investments in that country. So China's increasingly sophisticated military resources now have the ability to inject themselves further afield but doing so may force Beijing to abandon, or at least 'evolve,' its non-interference policy. Two Chinese foreign policy scholars, Jonas Parello-Plesner and Mathieu Duchâtel, recently explored this burgeoning dilemma in a new book "China's Strong Arm-Protecting Citizens and Abroad." Parello-Plesner joined Eric & Cobus to discuss how the Chinese government is rapidly escalating its power projection abilities while simultaneously re-orienting its policy framework to accommodate the government's pressing need to protect its people and property abroad.

It hasn't even been a month since Chinese president Xi Jinping was in South Africa for the triennial FOCAC confab where he unveiled a massive $60 billion financial package. Oh how those were innocent, halcyon days. There was a still a prevailing sense of optimism that everything would be OK. In just a few short weeks, so much has changed. Today, the news is bad and getting worse. The slowing, sometimes faltering Chinese economy is sending shock-waves throughout the developing world and no where are those reverberations being felt more acutely than in Africa. This week, the South African rand plunged 9% to its lowest levels since 2008 due to mounting investor concern over the country's dependency on trade with China. Currencies elsewhere on the continent faced enormous pressure as the Chinese yuan devalued against the dollar despite robust efforts from the Chinese central bank to hold the line. With every downward tick in value, the weakened RMB makes Chinese imports even cheaper for African consumers which puts added pressure on local manufacturers who have long struggled to compete with a flood of low-cost Chinese imported goods. If the value of the yuan stays low for much longer, those African producers will have to start to cut costs (jobs) if they want to survive. Separately, new data also came in this week that revealed the depth of the Chinese pull-back from Africa. Chinese customs authorities reported that commodity imports from Africa fell 38% in 2015 compared to 2014. This combined with an equally dramatic fall in Chinese investment in Africa last year reveals that the Sino-African economic relationship is most definitely a new, more austere phase. Few observers predicted the extent of this downturn with as much precision as Beijing-based attorney Kai Xue, who back in July 2014 outlined in precise detail all that is happening today. Kai Xue is astute China-Africa analyst through his work advising Chinese enterprises who invest in Africa and abroad. Kai Xue joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the current downward economic trends and what to can expect from the Chinese-African economic relationship in 2016.

Environmental and conservation issues have long been secondary priorities in the Sino-African relationship, lagging far behind economic development. Pollution, over-fishing, poaching and other ecological problems were all seen as the necessary downsides of economic modernization. Now, however, mounting public pressure on leaders from both sides appears to be nudging these issues higher up the agenda. Although environmental issues did not figure prominently at last year's China-Africa summit in Johannesburg, receiving only passing-attention in the final communiqué, 2015 will nonetheless go down as a turning point for Sino-African environmental politics. The Chinese now appear to committed to stop the domestic ivory trade, imposing a series of temporary trading bans that are widely expected to lead up to an outright trade prohibition in early 2017. Chinese private enterprises are also stepping up their corporate social responsibility initiatives on the continent and there has been a noticeable increase in the amount of Chinese news coverage about environmental issues in Africa. While the Chinese and African governments are finally saying the right things when it comes to environmental protection, the real question is whether all this new rhetoric will actually lead to effective policies that limit the spread of carbon emissions, protect the continent's wildlife and crack down on illegal natural resource trade. Given pervasive corruption across Africa, it's likely that it will take years, if not decades, for meaningful reform to take root. In Beijing, a number of key policy battles are underway that will likely have a big impact across Africa. Issues ranging from the off-shoring of Chinese manufacturing to cracking down on the illegal wildlife trade will be on the domestic Chinese policy agenda in 2016. Li Nan, policy manager at China's Green Shift Initiative with the Worldwide Wildlife Fund for Nature in China and Zhou Fei the wildlife research network TRAFFIC in China, join Eric & Cobus to discuss Sino-African environmental politics and their forecast for the year ahead.

The December China-Africa leaders summit in Johannesburg marked the end of what was a very busy year for Chinese president Xi Jinping and his foreign policy team. In many ways, 2015 marked a significant turning point in China's increasingly ambitious global agenda as Beijing deepened its engagement in global institutions while it simultaneously seeks to influence the international order more in its favor. In Africa, China played a critical role in the battle against Ebola, conducted its first overseas deployment of combat troops to South Sudan, signed a lease for its first overseas military installation in Djibouti, pushed for an expanded use of its currency on the continent in countries like Nigeria and Zimbabwe and unveiled a massive $60 billion financial package for Africa at the FOCAC summit in Johannesburg. Africa, though, is a bright spot in China's otherwise tense and complicated international relations. In Asia, China's territorial claims to vast parts of the disputed South China Sea has further riled its neighbors and prompted a potentially dangerous military stand-off with the United States. While tensions with the US rose significantly this past year over issues ranging from cyber attacks to trade, there were also a number of bright spots in Sino-US relations. The two countries appeared to make significant progress in climate talks and global finance when the yuan was added to the IMF's basket of major currencies. The murder of a Chinese national at the hands of ISIS followed by an al-Qaeda attack at a hotel in Mali pushed terrorism to the top of China's foreign policy agenda in late 2015. While the US and China have radically divergent strategies on how to combat terrorism, China recognizes that it will have to cooperate with the US and Europe on security issues in the Middle East and North Africa given Beijing's reliance on imported oil from the region. All of this took place in a year when the Chinese economy began to sputter as the bubble on the Shanghai stock exchanged finally popped, industrial output slowed dramatically and a flood of money poured out of the country. Additionally, the US Federal Reserve's December rate hike also prompted the Chinese yuan to devalue, adding more pressure on China's trading partners in Africa and beyond who are already overwhelmed by low-cost Chinese imports. It was a busy year indeed. Every week, longtime China-watcher Bill Bishop tries to make sense of it all as the editor of the popular Sinocism email newsletter. Bishop spent a decade in Beijing observing, consulting and writing about Chinese politics. Earlier this year, he moved to Washington, D.C. where he joined Eric & Cobus to share his outlook for the year ahead in Chinese international relations.

For the first time in years, there is positive news to report in the fight to save Africa's elephants from extinction. A new study by the Save the Elephants revealed that the price of ivory in China has halved over the past 18 months, indicating that heightened social awareness on the Mainland combined with a series of new policy initiatives by the government are beginning to impact demand in the world's largest ivory market. The Chinese government appears to be following up on president Xi Jinping's October 2015 announcement that Beijing will eventually phase out the country's ivory trade. Although specific details about the proposed ban have not been revealed and the new law has yet to go into effect, the market for this once prized precious resource is changing. Conservationists had hoped that president Xi would use the recent China-Africa summit in Johannesburg as a forum to announce the implementation of the ban, or at least provide some information on what the government plans to do. That did not happen. Instead, wildlife conservation and other environmental issues were largely sidelined as both Chinese and African leaders focused on infrastructure, security and other economic development issues. Andrea Crosta, co-founder and Executive Director of the Elephant Action League, said he wasn't surprised or event disappointed that the ivory issue did not figure prominently at FOCAC. Rather, he's been encouraged recently by trends in China where he sees a growing number of consumers shunning ivory products combined with a series of new legal measures by the government to crack down on illegal trading activity. "China is doing more to protect elephants than Africa," said Crosta, highlighting what is no doubt an extremely sensitive issue in the global conservation community where China has been understandably been vilified as enemy #1 of Africa's embattled elephants. Crosta joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why the ivory issue is far more complicated than simply shutting down demand in China. Reforming conservation laws, customs enforcement and eliminating corruption in Africa are equally important in the fight to save these beautiful animals.

The Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) summit concluded in Johannesburg on Saturday amid an almost giddy atmosphere. All sides in this relationship seemingly walked away with more than what they anticipated. Africa provided a welcome relief for Xi Jinping's embattled foreign policy that has struggled in recent weeks following the killing of a Chinese national at the hands of ISIS in Syria, the murder of three Chinese executives at the hotel siege in Mali and tensions with its several of its Asian neighbors along with the United States over disputed islands in the South China Sea. FOCAC, instead, allowed China the opportunity to position itself as a incontrovertible force for good. In the run up to the December summit, a number of African states worried aloud about whether China would remain committed to the continent amid a slowing economy at home and an increasingly fragile economic environment across much of the continent. Furthermore, a number of countries including Mozambique and Angola among others, are also beginning to show strains under the weight of billions of dollars in Chinese loans. They in turn hoped Beijing would use the FOCAC summit to provide some desperately needed financial relief. On all counts, China delivered. The high-point of the summit came with Xi's keynote address where he unveiled an unprecedented $60 billion financial package that includes money for industrialization, infrastructure, poverty reduction and security among other areas. This was a significant increase over the $20 billion China committed at the previous FOCAC conference in 2012. Not surprisingly, the African delegations were elated with the news. After all, China's 'no strings attached' engagement strategy is far more preferable for many of these governments compared to the more stringent conditional assistance offered by the west and the international institutions it leads. Although the political elites who attended FOCAC were obviously pleased with the outcome, a number of civil society actors have expressed alarm over what wasn't addressed at this year's summit. The environment, wildlife conservation in particular, had been expected to play a much more prominent role than it did, receiving only a passing mention in the final communiqué. Other concerns related to corruption, illegal Chinese immigration and the growing prevalence of counterfeit Chinese goods were largely brushed aside (not surprisingly, of course). On this week's show, Eric & Cobus discuss FOCAC from two distinct perspectives with Lily Kuo, the Nairobi-based correspondent for the online business news site Quartz, and Walter Ruigu, Managing Director of China Africa Merchants Advisors Limited (CAMAL).

Until just a few weeks, security had not been expected to be a major topic at the December Forum on China-Africa Cooperation summit in Johannesburg. In the span of just a few short weeks, terrorism and security issues will likely move close to the top of the agenda when Chinese president Xi Jinping meets with 50+ African counterparts. China's vulnerability to terrorism was brazenly exposed when ISIS killed Chinese national Fan Jinghui. That killing sparked an immediate backlash on Chinese social media with calls for Beijing to strike back against the terrorist group. Predictably, it didn't take long for those online discussions to be quashed by the government. Then, just a few days later, three more Chinese were killed by terrorists. This time at the hands of al-Qaeda affiliates in the Malian capital of Bamako. The attackers stormed the Renaissance Blu Hotel where the three executives from the state-owned China Railway Construction Corporation were shot. These two events are just the latest attacks on Chinese nationals abroad, particularly in MENA and sub-Saharan Africa. Within the past couple of years, Chinese citizens have been taken captive by Boko Haram in Cameroon, kidnapped in Egypt and taken hostage in Sudan among other places. In Angola, the situation is so dire that a senior embassy official in Luanda made a rare public appeal to the government to do something or else future Chinese investment in the country could be at stake. With each of these attacks, the perception at home is that China may now be a great power but one that can't seem to protect its people abroad. This presents a real for the government's legitimacy because, really, Chinese officials don't have a lot of options available to counter the rising threat of terrorism against its people and interests abroad. Unlike the United States, France and Britain who have all made unilateral military deployments into other countries without UN authorization, the Chinese are bound by their own non-interference doctrine to avoid such interventions. Secondly, even if China did want to retaliate or take some other form of military action to combat violence against its interests, it's not immediately clear that it has the capability to do so. Although rapidly modernizing, China's ability to project force, especially using special operations forces far away from home, is questionable at best. The Chinese clearly recognize the problem. The question is can they do anything about it? This week, Eric & Cobus discuss the new security realities confronting China's engagement in Africa and MENA and explore what options, if any, policy makers have to confront the mounting threat against their people and interests. Correction: In the podcast, Eric incorrectly said that the Chinese ambassador to Luanda had issued the warning to the Angolan government about the high-frequency of kidnappings of Chinese nationals. It was actually the embassy's first secretary, Zhao Haihan, who made the remarks during an interview with Bloomberg.

When covering any major international summit it can be challenging to get the "real story" beyond the official communiqués and government talking-points, especially at Chinese events where the messaging is often tightly controlled. James Schneider is a veteran African journalist with extensive experience reporting on African diplomacy, most recently he covered the 2015 Africa Union summit in Ethiopia. He shares his insights on how journalists at this year's FOCAC leaders summit can be more effective in reporting the story: 1. What are the editorial traps to avoid? 2.How to get the Chinese side of the story. 3.How to prepare for covering FOCAC 6. This special edition of the podcast was produced in association with the Wits China-Africa Reporting Project who collaborated with Eric & Cobus to produce the online journalism training resource www.reporting-focac.com.

Leading scholars, journalists and activists convened in Johannesburg last week for the annual Wits China-Africa Reporting Project's annual roundtable discussion. This year's conference focused on reporting challenges related to the upcoming Forum on China Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) summit that will be held in Johannesburg in December. The FOCAC meetings occur every three years, typically alternating venues in both China and Africa. In past FOCAC conferences, the mood has been largely upbeat as China showered African leaders with investment and development cash. Now, amid a dramatic slowdown in the Chinese economy, a a plunge in PRC FDI in Africa and the ongoing slump in global commodity prices, a very different tone is expected at this year's summit of African and Chinese leaders. Barry van Wyk of the China-Africa Reporting Project organized this year's conference on the Wits University campus and he joined Eric & Cobus to discuss whether this year's FOCAC represents at turning point in China's engagement strategy in Africa.

Among the most durable myths surrounding the China-Africa relationship is the fear that the Chinese government and private enterprises are buying vast tracts of African farm land and have plans to transplant millions of Chinese peasants to live and work on the continent. Over the years, these rumors have been fueled by prominent news publications in the West, politicians and, on occasion, by the Chinese themselves. The fears of Chinese agribusiness effectively colonizing portions of Africa is often well-received by many Africans who are understandably skeptical about the intentions of large foreign powers in light of their historical experience. In her new book "Will Africa Feed China?", Johns Hopkins University professor Deborah Brautigam seeks to definitively debunk this narrative. Together with other Sino-African scholars, professor Brautigam traveled across Africa in search of any evidence to support the allegation that the Chinese enterprises are making massive investments in African agriculture. Not only is there no evidence whatsoever to suggest the Chinese are making any such inroads in the African land market, Dr. Brautigam discovered the entire story is actually upside down. Not only are African governments reaching out to the Chinese to invest more in their agricultural sectors, it's Chinese agriculture that's actually feeding Africa! Well, not exactly. However, given that Africa produces only 13% of the food that it consumes, it must rely on imports for the rest, including rice and other processed foods from China among many other countries. Professor Brautigam structures her book around four tenants that define the Chinese land grab myth in Africa: 1) The Chinese have acquired large areas of farmland in Africa. 2) The Chinese government is leading the effort through state owned companies and the country's powerful sovereign wealth funds. 3) The Chinese are growing massive amounts of grain in Africa to export back to China. 4) The Chinese have sent (or plan to send) large numbers of Chinese farmers to settle in Africa. Professor Brautigam joins Eric & Cobus this week to discuss her new book and why the mythology of Chinese land imperialism in Africa is so persuasive.

The 6th Forum on China Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) that will be held in December in Johannesburg comes at critical time in the Sino-African relationship. The combination of China's slowing economy, a major slump in global commodity prices and a dramatic 84% YOY plunge in Chinese investment in Africa will no doubt loom over the meeting of president Xi Jinping and his African counterparts. In previous FOCAC events, there's been an atmosphere of levity, even excitement, as China whipped out its massive check book to buy friends and influence on the continent. While it's expected that Beijing will likely unveil more multi-billion development and investment programs in December, some analysts wonder whether this money will actually be new funds or simply a repackaging of existing commitments. Other issues expected to be on the agenda at this year's FOCAC include wildlife protection (ivory), an expansion of Chinese private sector investment and infrastructure development in eastern and southern Africa. Dr. Sven Grimm is a leading Africa-China scholar with the German Development Institute where he is a Senior Researcher and coordinator of DIE's "Rising Powers" program. He is also the Editor-in-chief of the academic journal "African East-Asian Affairs." Dr. Grimm joins Eric & Cobus to discuss what impact China's changing economy will have on its Africa policy and how this will likely play out at the FOCAC summit.

Chad is one of the poorest, most corrupt and, increasingly, one of the most volatile countries in Africa. A recent wave of suicide bombings, allegedly orchestrated by Boko Haram, killed 36 and injured 50 highlights the perilous challenges of doing business in this landlocked desert country located in the heart of the Sahel. Whatever its challenges, though, Chad has oil. Over the years, the 'whose-who' of oil majors have tried and largely failed to exploit Chad's oil reserves due largely to poor infrastructure, instability and corruption. Enter CNPC. China's National Petroleum Corporation has a well-earned reputation of doing business in the world's most volatile regions where few of its rivals dare to go. From post-war Iraq to South Sudan to Chad, CNPC is seemingly fearless. After a contentious past few years between CNPC and the government, that included the withdrawal of CNPC's operating license and massive fines for environmental violations, the two sides now seem eager to move forward. President Idriss Deby recently visited Beijing where he met with his Chinese counterpart Xi Jinping as evidence of this new reconciliation. While Chadian oil production is expected to rise to 180,000 barrels per day by the end of 2015, making it the seventh largest producer in sub-Saharan Africa, that amount is relatively small for a company as large as CNPC. So why does CNPC and the Chinese government at large take on so much risk for a comparatively small return? Celeste Hicks is an independent journalist and former BBC correspondent who has reportedly extensively from Chad and throughout the Sahel region. She is also the author of a new book "Africa’s New Oil; Power, Pipelines and Future Fortunes" that, among other things, examines China's oil strategy in this part of the world. Celeste joins Eric and Cobus to talk about CNPC's strategy in Chad and what it means for the region as a whole.

The US-based online news site Quartz is among a growing number of international media companies that is investing resources to better cover Africa. The company launched Quartz Africa (qz.com/africa) in June 2015 with the opening of a new bureau in Nairobi and the deployment of a small team of journalists. Among those assigned to Kenya was Lily Kuo who previously reported for Quartz from Hong Kong. As a former China-based journalist who now lives and reports on Africa, Lily is among the first reporters on the continent with a distinctive background in Sino-African relations. Although she doesn't focus exclusively on China-Africa stories, it is most definitely a prominent theme of her coverage. Lily joins Eric & Cobus to talk about the opportunity and challenges of covering the China/Africa story.

The Chinese-built Soraz oil refinery in southern Niger is now operational again after a 45-day shutdown due to a blown compressor. That Soraz is up and running again will come as welcome relief to the people of Niger who depend on the 7,000 barrels a day of refined oil produced from the facility that supply the domestic market. Not everyone though believes Soraz went off-line merely because of a technical problem. Instead, suspicions began to circulate that China National Petroleum Corporation (CNPC) deliberately blew the compressor as part of a scheme to force the government to resolve a bitter financial dispute. Despite widespread allegations of a Chinese conspiracy, it is important to note that there is no factual evidence to support claims of sabotage. The Soraz refinery is a joint venture between CNPC and the government. It began operations back in 2011 when there was a lot of promise to leverage Niger's oil reserves to help lift this country of 16 million people out of poverty. Just as with other oil states in West Africa, any sense of hope that came with the discovery of petroleum has been crushed by corruption, mismanagement and the harsh reality of petro-politics. Rather than deliver any financial uplift for Niger, Soraz is instead buried almost a billion dollars of debt. Business Insider defense and military editor Armin Rosen recently traveled to Niger where he reported on the controversy over the Soraz refinery shutdown. Armin joins Eric & Cobus to explain why he thinks CNPC is to blame for the recent turmoil.

One of the prevailing media narratives of China's recent economic turmoil is the effect that it could have on emerging markets, particularly in Africa. Now that the Chinese economy is showing real signs of slowing, the story goes, Beijing will soon pull back on the billions of dollars in investments and purchases that it makes from commodity-exporting African markets. While there is no question that China's demand for iron ore, petroleum and other raw materials will inevitably be reduced as demand in the PRC slows, it nonetheless remains highly speculative as to just how severe the impact might be in Africa. What so much of the reporting, largely from the West, seems to overlook is just how active Beijing has been in recent months in its commercial diplomacy both in Africa and elsewhere in the developing world. Most recently, president Xi Jinping announced a $2 billion package of aid and development that will likely include significant loan forgiveness for a number of lesser developed African countries. Conversely, a growing number of African economists believe that reduced Chinese economic engagement on the continent provides a unique opportunity for African leaders to initiate badly-needed economic reforms that could strengthen their domestic economies and reduce dependency on international investment. Thembinkosi Gcoyi, Managing Director of Pretoria-based Frontline Africa Consulting, is among those who sees a unique chance for Africa to realign its economic priorities, both with China and the West. Gcoyi is a former diplomat who spent four years as an economic counselor at the South African embassy in Beijing and he joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his outlook for African-Chinese economic relations.

The tremors in China's faltering economy are being felt across Africa. Now that China has replaced Europe and the United States as most African countries' largest trading partner, there is understandable concern that slowing demand in the PRC will be felt in Africa's commodity export dominated economies. The fear is real. Already, some Chinese-owned copper mines in Zambia have announced lay-offs, central banks were forced to spend heavily to shore up their currencies following Beijing's surprise 4% devaluation of its currency this summer and now African leaders worry that many of the planned Chinese-funded infrastructure projects may also be in jeopardy. While there is no doubt good reason for African leaders to be worried, a growing number of analysts contend the Chinese economic threat is highly exaggerated. As domestic growth slows at home, more and more Chinese companies will be looking abroad, particularly in Africa, for new growth opportunities. This combined with cheaper Chinese imports of phones, steel, and other finished products could help temper African inflation. Finally, let's not forget that even as its economy slows, China is still be the world's second largest economy, and as such, it will still need a lot of African oil, agriculture and vast amounts of other raw materials. So what accounts for these divergent narratives over impact China's slowing economy will have on Africa? No doubt, the media plays an important role. Much of the news coverage from international news agencies (mostly in the west) has been especially negative about Chinese economic prospects in Africa. The FT, Wall Street Journal and Reuters among others have run numerous stories with grim headlines and dire predictions. Conversely, African media, by and large, has been much more pragmatic by avoiding the sweeping narratives common in western media and instead focusing more of their coverage on the steady stream of announcements about Chinese-funded infrastructure and natural resource deals that ironically seems to have picked up pace in recent months. This week Eric & Cobus discuss why there is so much confusion in understanding how China's economic difficulties may or may not be felt in Africa and why the media's coverage of this issue is so confusing.

News organizations from across Africa and around the world are devoting more resources to covering China's engagement on the continent. The overall quantity of coverage has undoubtedly increased over the past decade. The key question, though, is whether all of that coverage has produced better quality reporting that is more textured, nuanced and relies less on dated stereotypes of both Chinese and Africans? The short answer is, well, 'it's complicated.' Foreign journalists who often swoop in to cover the 'big China-Africa story' often miss the nuances and subtleties of this complicated relationship. Their reporting frequently includes a number of well-worn editorial short-cuts (e.g. references to neo-colonialism, mentions of Chinese prison labor, etc...) that often deviate from the facts. Conversely, reporting at the local level, particularly by African print publications, has improved considerably. In contrast to the big narrative journalism done by international news outlets, these smaller organizations often focus much more granular topics that do not lend themselves to grand, sweeping narratives that can be very misleading. This kind of reporting, such as a Chinese development project in Kenya, a high-level delegation visit to Johannesburg or a new PRC-funded hospital in Liberia, is much more targeted and has now become a staple of African reporting on the Chinese. The China-Africa Reporting Project at the Wits University school of journalism in Johannesburg was founded to help journalists from all over the world improve their reporting on China-Africa issues. Each year, the program provides grants to reporters to cover any topic they choose so long as it is related to Africa-China relations. These reporting fellows are provided funds funds for travel and accommodation during their assignment. The China-Africa Reporting Project recently published a book that features the best China-Africa reporting from its fellows over the past 6 years. Barry van Wyk is the project coordinator at the program and played a central role in the publication of the book. He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the key trends in Africa-China news reporting.

Traditional Chinese medicine, popular throughout Asia, has long prized the supposed medicinal value of tiger bones. Now, though, as the world's wild tiger population is fast disappearing, even facing extinction, the Chinese medicine industry may have found an alternative with lion bones. A new study reveals demand for lion bones has surged since 2008, with the bones largely going to Asia for use in traditional medicine. The researchers found that the bones are not being hunted from wild lions, but rather "harvested" from the legal hunting of captive lions in South Africa. Conservationists point out that there is a big difference between the budding trade in lion bones and that of rhino horn and elephant ivory. Unlike rhinos and elephants, lions are not endangered (yet). However, if Chinese and Asian demand for lion bones surges, as they fear it might, then that could fuel encourage either an expansion of the controversial lion breeding industry or result in illegal poaching of wild lions. This new research report on the lion bone trade was written by the non-profit wildlife conservation group TRAFFIC, theOxford University’s Wildlife Conservation Research Unit and Wits University in Johannesburg. Two of the reports authors, Dr. Vivienne Williams from Wits University and TRAFFIC's David Newton join Eric & Cobus to discuss the emerging lion bone trade between China and Africa.

While the recent economic turmoil in China is prompting a number of African countries to reconsider their growing economic dependence on the PRC, not so in South Africa. Both the government and the ruling African National Congress (ANC) party have seemingly found their geopolitical soul mate in China. South Africa's leadership speaks glowingly of China's political system that fuses the interests of the ruling party with that of the government. Now, Pretoria is working closely with Beijing to import many of the Chinese governing practices back to South Africa. This Sino-South African collaboration is happening across a number of different levels that range from Pretoria considering how it can reform its state-owned enterprises based on the Chinese model to the ANC working with the CCP to build a new training academy to the government integrating Mandarin language studies into the country's national curriculum. This blooming bilateral relationship will be on full-display when South Africa hosts the 6th Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) summit on December 4 and 5 in Johannesburg. Together with visiting Chinese president Xi Jinping, Zuma will co-host the event that almost every African head of state is expected to attend. On one level, the relationship makes total sense: after all this is the world's second largest economy aligning itself with Africa's second largest market. Sure. That said, something else just doesn't seem right about how this is all playing out. South Africa appears to be ignoring any sense of caution with its unconditional embrace of China -- both politically and economically. Johannesburg-based Mail and Guardian Associate Editor Phillip de Wet has been reporting extensively on the new Sino-South African 'love affair.' He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss how many of the South African leaders who seem so taken with China, don't know actually know that much about the Chinese.

When African policy makers scan the globe in search of inspiration on how to structure their economies, that search often leads to Beijing. Not surprisingly, African leaders look at what China has done over the past 30 years where it went from being a poor, isolated agrarian country to a modern urban economy that is now the world's second largest. Separately, many despotic African leaders also appreciate China's authoritarian example that gives the state a high-level of control over the economy while subjugating civil and political rights in the name of development. Widely known as the "Beijing Consensus," this authoritarian capitalist model has broad appeal across Africa, particularly in places like Ethiopia and Rwanda among others. Now, as the Chinese stock market falters, the economy slows and China's economic footing doesn't seem quite as secure as it did even just a few months ago, doubts are beginning to surface in Africa over whether it might be time to look beyond the China model. Dr. Daouda Cissé is a research fellow at the China Institute at the University of Alberta in Edmonton, Canada who just published a new study on what lessons African economic policy makers can learn from the Chinese. He joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his findings.

It's a widespread misconception that just because China is Africa's top trading partner, it's also the continent's largest foreign investor. In fact, China's ranks seventh overall in FDI, far behind the United States that has long been Africa's largest source of foreign investment. That may soon change, though, due in part to China's rapidly evolving economy. With production cost steadily rising at home, Chinese firms are now aggressively looking to shift manufacturing overseas, particularly in places like Africa. Separately, the Chinese consumer may help drive this trend as well. Amid a faltering stock market and a pronounced slow down in the domestic economy, Chinese shoppers are likely to hold back on spending in the near term. This will likely accelerate China's "Going Out" policy as companies search abroad for profits to make up for the slack back home. Brookings Institute China scholar David Dollar recently co-wrote a new report on Chinese FDI trends in Africa and joins Eric & Cobus to explain where the Chinese are investing on the continent and in what sectors.

A decade ago China announced it would develop of a series of Special Economic Zones (SEZs) in Africa to boost trade and industrialization. Given the phenomenal success of China's SEZs that helped to spark the PRC's three-decades of history-making economic growth, not surprisingly, hopes ran high in Africa for similar results. Initially, there were plans for 50 such economic zones to be built across the continent but to date only six have actually opened, and of those, few are coming anywhere close to meeting those once lofty expectations. The SEZs were intended to provide Chinese companies with special tax incentives, improved infrastructure and a more streamlined regulatory system to help drive trade between the host country and China. To date, the only zone that is fully operational is at the Suez Canal in Egypt while the five others are bogged down in bureaucracy and bilateral disputes. The Jinfei Special Economic Zone in Mauritius highlights the problems that SEZs have had in getting off the ground in Africa. James Wan, Editor of the Royal African Society's editorial site African Arguments, recently visited the Jinfei SEZ in his native Mauritius to find out what went wrong there and to find out why this once ambitious plan to jump start Sino-African trade is now being cast aside a failed policy experiment. James joins Eric & Cobus to discuss this week to discuss the seemingly dim outlook for Chinese SEZs in Africa.

China goes to great lengths to differentiate its engagement in Africa from the continent's former European colonizers by emphasizing so-called "win-win development." Chinese leaders regularly visit Africa where they emphatically reject the accusation of neo-colonialism and that Beijing is only interested in exploiting the continent's natural resources. The reality, though, is much more complicated, according to Financial Times Investigations Correspondent Tom Burgis. The Chinese, writes Burgis in his new book "The Looting Machine" are just the latest entrant in Africa's "Looting Machine" where, through collusion with corrupt African elites, the continent's wealth and resources are plundered on a staggering scale. Burgis emphasizes that it would not be accurate to equate China's participation in the "Looting Machine" to that of the former imperial powers that once ruled Africa. Instead, he says, the Chinese in Africa are often operating within the parameters of global capitalism, a system that implicates all of us who buy goods in today's borderless market. Burgis joins Eric & Cobus this week to discuss the darker, more nefarious side of China's engagement in Africa.

The difference between US and Chinese foreign policies in Africa was on stark display in July when president Barack Obama made his landmark visits to Kenya and Ethiopia. The president brought along with him a vast agenda that transcended trade, democracy, human rights, gay rights, women's issues and on and on and on. Compare that to similar visits to both of these countries by either Chinese president Xi Jinping or Prime Minister Li Keqiang who focus their attention exclusively on trade and development. In the run up to the president's trip, senior US officials, including Obama himself, repeated their long-held position that the administration is not concerned in the least about China's rapidly expanding presence on the continent. Given that Chinese trade with Africa now dwarfs the United States, by 3-to-1, a growing number of analysts say it might be time for the US to take the Chinese in Africa more seriously. This week, Eric & Cobus take a look back at the president's trip and analyze the increasingly the divergent paths the US and China are taking to engage Africa. In the run up to the president's trip, senior US officials, including Obama himself, repeated their long-held position that the administration is not concerned in the least about China's rapidly expanding presence on the continent. Given that Chinese trade with Africa now dwarfs the United States, by 3-to-1, a growing number of analysts say it might be time for the US to take the Chinese in Africa more seriously. This week, Eric & Cobus take a look back at the president's trip and analyze the increasingly the divergent paths the US and China are taking to engage Africa.

In Mark Kapchanga’s view, the West, particularly the media, really don’t understand what the Chinese are doing in Africa. Kapchanga, a provocative Nairobi-based journalist and columnist, isn’t shy in arguing his case that on balance China’s presence in Africa is net plus for the continent and its people. The West, he says, just doesn’t have its priorities right in Africa, whereas Beijing’s massive infrastructure spending across the continent is the kind of engagement that has a direct impact on peoples’ lives. Kachanga writes a regular column in the fiery Chinese state-owned newspaper The Global Times that unsurprisingly takes a stridently pro-PRC stance. Although the Kenyan journalist does have some critical views of Chinese policy in Africa, few if any of those opinions make it past the newspaper’s censors. So while Kapchang’s outlook on Sino-African relations in print may be filtered, he doesn’t hesitate in the least when he joins Eric & Cobus for a full debrief on his views about the state of the Chinese in Africa.

Author John Akhile, Sr. argues in his new book "Unleashed" that if the Asia's so-called 'Tiger economies' did it, so can Africa. By leveraging the continent’s agricultural potential, minerals, raw materials and low cost labor, Akhile thinks that using these resources Africans can build a equally impressive economic miracle as what happened in Asia but within a decade. Even though Africa, particularly in Ethiopia and South Africa, is expanding its manufacturing output, prompting comparisons to Asia's similar economic development history, the two continents have such different economic and historical contexts that make any comparison between the two extremely difficult to make. Akhile joins Eric and Cobus this week to make his case.

A dramatic shift in Chinese public opinion about animal welfare and global wildlife conservation appears to be underway. Supported by high-profile celebrity campaigns by NBA legend Yao Ming and actress Li Bing Bing, there is growing awareness in China over the country's role in the illicit African wildlife trade. On Chinese social media, evolving public opinion is reflected in the emerging consensus among young people that eating sharks from Mozambique or consuming ivory from Kenya is no longer "cool." It is very likely that this increased public opinion pressure, both at home and in Africa, played a role in the Chinese government's decision to ban the domestic ivory trade. That change is not only taking place online but also on the ground in places like Kenya. A group of young Chinese expats is now mobilizing their local community in Nairobi to partner with wildlife conservation groups to save zebras and other animals from being trapped in deadly snares. The events have been organized by China House Kenya, the first NGO in Africa dedicated to Chinese corporate social responsibility and social integration. China House founder Huang Hongxiang and Wildlife Conservation Project Manager Sunny Huang join Eric & Cobus to explain how their recent de-snaring events highlight the rapidly evolving views among Chinese youth about animal welfare and conservation.

For centuries the Indian Ocean was a vital conduit in the British empire, connecting colonies in South Asia with Africa as part of a vast imperial network. Today, the Indian Ocean once again plays as a vital role in an emerging global trading empire, this time China’s. Beijing is developing a strategic trading agenda known as the Maritime Silk Road that is the part of its new, robust global strategic "One Belt, One Road" policy that is designed to link the PRC to the world's major trading hubs in Africa, Central Asia and the Persian Gulf among others. In Africa, the Chinese are rapidly building massive rail and port infrastructure projects in Kenya, Somalia, Uganda and Tanzania. While it is not known if all of these various projects are part of a larger integration plan into the Maritime Silk Road, there is no doubt that once these new facilities are operational Chinese enterprises stand to gain significant benefits. Separately, the Chinese navy is aggressively challenging the status quo on all sides of the Indian Ocean, simultaneously unnerving the region's hegemonic powers in New Delhi, Washington and London. With so many countries bordering the Indian Ocean, the stakes for Africa are extremely high, according to a new report from the South African Institute of International Affairs. The report's authors, Elizabeth Sidiropoulos and Dr. Chris Alden join Eric & Cobus to discuss the new geopolitics of China, Africa and the Indian Ocean.

China is steadily expanding its military footprint in Africa, highlighted by the recent deployment of 700 combat-ready troops to join a multinational peacekeeping operation in South Sudan. In all, the People's Liberation Army and Navy now have an estimated 2,700 soldiers, sailors, engineers and medical staff stationed across the continent. The number of troops deployed in Africa is extremely small, even insignificant, in the broader context of the massive Chinese military. However, a discernible trend is becoming increasingly apparent as Beijing expands the range of operations that its forces are engaged in Africa to include post-conflict stabilization (Mali), medical humanitarian missions (Liberia), on-going conflict stabilization (South Sudan) and anti-piracy operations (Somalia) among others. In all, Chinese military personnel are now involved in 7 out of 9 UN peacekeeping operations on the continent, the most of any permanent Security Council member. Although it will be a long time, if ever, that China's small military footprint will rival those of the United States and European countries in Africa, the steadily rising number of PLA/PLAN forces on the continent may indeed have profound consequences. Africa appears to be the theater of operations that is testing two bedrock principles of Chinese foreign policy: 1) The long-held non-interference doctrine and 2)no overseas military bases. Former U.S. ambassador to Ethiopia, David Shinn, who is also a prominent Sino-African scholar at the George Washington University's Eliott School of International Affairs in Washington, D.C., is to publish a new research paper that explores what's motivating the Chinese military push in Africa and how it's being received by both Africans and the international community at large. Ambassador Shinn joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the new geopolitics of Chinese force projection in Africa.

New research from the United Nations Development Program (UNDP) in China indicates Beijing is beginning to become more open in international aid development programs. If so, this would mark a significant change from the past where the Chinese government has often been criticized for its lack of transparency in how it disperses overseas development assistance. The UNDP's findings were published this month in a report on "Demand-Driven Data: How Partner Countries are Gathering Chinese Development Cooperation Information." Beijing's apparent willingness to be more open about its expanding aid agenda comes as other major donors are also increasing their development assistance, particularly in Africa, following a sharp downturn in response to the 2008 financial crisis. The UNDP's Head of Policy and Partnerships in Beijing, Hannah Ryder, joins Eric & Cobus to discuss her team's new report and the politics of Chinese foreign aid.

South Africa's tourism sector is in crisis as a series of new visa regulations have prompted dramatic falls in arrivals, particularly from the world's largest source of tourists: China. The number of Chinese visitors to South Africa has plunged a staggering 32% since last year. The new visa regulations require that all applicants apply in person and bring an official birth certificate for any children under 18 years old. In a country as large as China, that is apparently too much to ask as travel agents and tour operators are increasingly directing their clients to abandon travel plans to South Africa in favor of other destinations. After all, in some cases, it's actually more expensive for a Chinese traveler to go to Beijing or Shanghai to get the visa than it would be to make the actual trip to South Africa itself. So it's not surprising that Chinese tourists are choosing to go elsewhere other than South Africa for their holidays. With the world's largest number of outbound tourists who spend more than visitors from any other country, the Chinese tourist is a prized asset. In the case of South Africa, the effects of the Chinese absence are being felt across the economy as flights are cancelled, hotel rooms go unfilled and restaurants operate below capacity. The South African tourism industry, for its part, is doing its best to try and persuade the government to either amend or abandon these new restrictive policies that are encouraging ever larger numbers of visitors from China and Asia to go elsewhere. David Frost, CEO of the South African Tourism Services Association, is leading that effort and joins Eric & Cobus to discuss what's at stake.

The Chinese and South Africa governments have signed a pact, or a "plan of action," where Beijing will provide a broad array of technology training, skills transfer and ICT development for South Africa's emerging technology sector. The agreement also includes provisions for cyber security consulting, implementation of so-called 'egovernment' initiatives and rural technology development. As the world's largest ICT market, China is well-placed to assist South Africa with its technology development. After all, it was less than 25 years ago when just 1 out of 100 Chinese residents had a phone line and today the PRC is the world's largest telecom, Internet and personal computer market. Nonetheless, China is also home to one of the world's most restrictive Internet environments where the government exerts strict control over what sites can be accessed and what can be said online. Beijing's repressive Internet governance policies are prompting some opposition politicians in South Africa to loudly protest against the government's new ICT partnership with China.

China's surprise announcement that it will phase out the trade and manufacturing of ivory came as a rare piece of good news for Africa's rapidly shrinking elephant population. While most major international wildlife groups welcomed Beijing's new policy direction, others said it's too early to rejoice until a specific timeline is announced and what, if any, exceptions may be included in a new ivory law. The U.S.-based International Fund for Animal Welfare (IFAW) is among the major conservation groups that is encouraged by Beijing's apparent shift on the ivory issue. IFAW campaigner Peter Lafontaine joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the emerging Chinese ivory policy and why elephant campaigners may next turn their attention to the USA, the world's second largest market for illicit ivory.

A new report by the environmental activist group Greenpeace alleges that hundreds of Chinese vessels are illegally fishing off the coast of West Africa. Greenpeace claims an estimated one-fifth of China's entire distant water fishing fleet now operates in Africa where they often under-report their gross tonnage that leads to over-fishing while depriving local governments of badly needed tax revenue. The Chinese foreign ministry rejects Greenpeace's allegations, claiming that Chinese operate within the law and in accordance with deals signed with African governments. Dakar, Senegal-based Greenpeace Africa Ocean Campaigner Ahmed Diame joins Eric & Cobus this week to discuss the report and the group's recommendations for what needs to be to stop illegal fishing in West Africa.

15 minutes in to almost any conversation about the Chinese in Africa and the question about Chinese labor invariably comes up. "The Chinese are exporting convicts to work on construction sites," according to one of the pervasive myths, or, "Chinese companies don't hire as many locals as Western firms do and the Chinese don't want to assimilate into the local culture." These are powerful narratives that are extremely appealing to politicians and China's critics despite the awkward reality that none of these myths are actually true. Two of the leading scholars on this issues, Professor Barry Sautman of the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology and Dr. Yan Hairong of Hong Kong Polytechnic University, have just completed an extensive new research project that aims to debunk these widely held misconceptions about the levels of Chinese enterprise localization in Africa.

When riots broke out in the US city of Baltimore in May 2015, the reaction across the Chinese social web was sadly predictable as Internet users posted countless anti-black racist comments. However, what was interesting about their posts is how there is seemingly a growing conflagration in the minds of Chinese netizens between African-Americans and African migrants. Now that China is home to tens of thousands of African immigrants, those racist comments morphed into xenophobia. Viola Rothschild is a Fulbright Scholar at the Institute of African Studies at Zhejiang Normal University where she posted a commentary on Foreign Policy magazine's website that focused on the increasingly complex racism that is expressed online towards blacks (both from the US and Africa). Viola joins Eric & Cobus to discuss her observations about China's complex relationship with multiculturalism and how it's manifested online.

Sam Pa is a mysterious man, largely unknown to the outside world. Yet this man, who goes by at least 7 different aliases, represents the nefarious side of China's engagement in Africa. Sam Pa and his associates in the Hong Kong-based consortium known as the 88 Queensway Group represent a new breed of predatory investors who work in the shadows to close billions of dollars in questionable deals that have no oversight of any kind. New information about Sam Pa, the Queensway Group and shadow Chinese investors in Africa is now available in a detailed research report published by the US government funded Africa Center for Strategic Studies. ACSS Research Associate J.R. Mailey is the author of the report and joins Eric and Cobus to share shed light on the dark side of these Chinese investors in Africa.

When critics of the Chinese in Africa make their case, the Collum coal mine in Zambia is invariably on their list of grievances. The controversial mine has been the site of violent labor disputes that have severely injured, even killed, both Zambians and Chinese. After a three-year closure, the mine re-opened in April amid concerns the labor and environmental violations that prompted its closing in 2012 remain un-resolved. President Edgar Lungu, for his part, said there is no reason to worry and that the "government would not hesitate to close the mine once again if there is no improvement of operations.” The Collum coal mine, for the most part, is largely insignificant in the broader context of China's engagement in Africa. It doesn't produce much coal and what it actually does extract is of relatively low quality. Nonetheless, the mine has become a symbol of the difficulties and promise of the Chinese in Africa. This week, Eric & Cobus speak with two of the world's leading experts on Sino-Zambia relations and the Collum coal mine in particular. Professor Barry Sautman of the Hong Kong University of Science and Technology and Dr. Yan Hairong of Hong Kong Polytechnic University explain why they are not optimistic about the future of the Collum mine and why any expectations that-held grievances have been resolved should be limited.

In April, visiting US Under Secretary of State for Political Affairs, Wendy Sherman, showered her Ethiopian hosts in Addis Ababa with effusive praise about their country's budding "democracy." She expressed her hope that upcoming elections in May 2015 would be "free, fair and credible and open and inclusive." Her comments were widely panned given Ethiopia's dismal human rights record, yet it revealed a pattern in US foreign policy where Washington's democratic ideals are often suppressed when its strategic interests are at stake as they are in Ethiopia today. Ethiopia is a country very much 'in play' in terms of how Addis Ababa will politically align itself: with the liberal democracies of the West (unlikely) or China's authoritarian capitalist model (more likely). This week Eric & Cobus are joined by James Williams, an undergraduate student at the University of North Carolina in the United States, to discuss the battle between US and China's ideals and interests in countries like Ethiopia. James recently led a course at UNC on China/Africa relations and was an organizer of a major academic conference at Duke/UNC on China's grand foreign policy strategy in Africa.

Chinese immigrants in South Africa have not been spared from the violent, anti-immigrant riots that have swept across Durban and Johannesburg, two of the country's largest cities. There have been reports of injuries along with at least 40 business that were ransacked and looted. Most of those business were small, independent shops, not any of the 20 vast China Malls that are spread across Johannesburg. Surprisingly, those China Malls have not been impacted by the xenophobic violence. University of Minnesota doctoral student Mingle Huang is conducting ethnographic research on the China Malls in Johannesburg and joins Cobus to discuss why they have been untouched, so far, by the rise of anti-immigrant violence in South Africa.

EDITOR'S NOTE: Due to internet connectivity problems beyond our control, the audio quality of this edition of the podcast is bit lower than usual. Our sincere apologies. The African migrant population in the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou is largely made up of traders, predominantly from Nigeria. However, to define the community in such limited terms does not do justice to the real diversity that exists within the African diaspora in China. The new short-documentary "China Remix" showcases the dynamism and challenges of the African migrant population in China through the stories of several musical performers who are trying to build a new life in Guangzhou. The film's New York-based producers Melissa Lefkowitz and Dorian Carli-Jones join Eric & Cobus to discuss their new film and how these African migrants are assimilating into Chinese society.

57 countries including two from Africa are among the founding members of China's new development bank, the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank. While the new bank's primary objective will be develop infrastructure projects in Asia, as its name suggests, there is widespread anticipation (mixed with some hope) the bank will expand its scope of work to eventually include Africa and beyond. Tsinghua University Associate Professor and Resident Scholar at the Carnegie–Tsinghua Center for Global Policy, Dr. Tang Xiaoyang, joins Eric & Cobus this week to discuss the new AIIB and what implications it could have on development finance in Africa.

The Chinese government has spent billions of dollars in Africa on public diplomacy initiatives that are intended to improve the country's image. Central to that strategy is the growing network of Confucius Institutes (CIs) spread across the continent that are designed to introduce Chinese language and culture to the African masses. Today there are over 40 CIs in Africa but despite their good intentions, these institutes attract significant controversy. Goethe University post doctoral research fellow Falk Hartig is an expert on CIs and the broader role they play in China's cultural diplomacy overseas. Hartig joins Eric & Cobus to discuss cultural diplomacy is actually effective, particularly in China's case.

China often faces blistering criticism for its voracious appetite of Africa's natural resources. Chinese companies are spread across the continent mining, logging and fishing to feed both hungry factories and people back home. In most, if not all, African countries, environmental protection laws are minimal at best, totally ineffective at worst, allowing Chinese companies to operate unregulated in this legal void. While in many cases, this has led to horrific environmental abuses, in other instance local actors throughout Africa say the Chinese are often unfairly accused of operating in the informal economy that accounts for an estimated 90% of African jobs. This week, Eric and Cobus tackle the myths and realities of China's natural resource extraction record in Africa.

The southern Chinese city of Guangzhou is home to China's largest African migrant population, predominantly from Nigeria. In the city's Little North Road neighborhood there is a small pedestrian bridge where immigrants from all over the world go to relax, hang out and have their picture taken by local Chinese photographers. Brooklyn-based artist Daniel Traub was so intrigued by these images that he made an arrangement with the photographers to collect the images of thousands of African migrants for a multimedia art project. Although Traub's vast image archive from the Little North Road offers tremendous artistic potential, it also raises serious ethical questions over whether it is moral to publish these images when the individuals did not provide informed consent. Traub joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the art and the ethics of his Little North Road project.

The Chinese restaurant in Nairobi that barred Africans after 5pm sparked a frenzied week of news coverage on both local and international media and, of course, on Twitter. The actions of this small, inconsequential restaurant seemingly took on much broader significance based on the tone and sheer quantity of the news coverage. The story of an arrogant, racist Chinese immigrant fit perfectly within a negative caricature that has been simmering across many parts of Africa as the breadth and depth of China's engagement on the continent continues to expand. Nonetheless, amid the media outcry, few, if any Chinese voices were featured to provide critical context and understanding to what is a far more complicated story than what has been portrayed both in the traditional media's coverage and on social media. This week, Cobus speaks with Huang Hongxiang, founder of the Nairobi-based community group China House Kenya, about the ongoing scandal and what may have prompted the restaurant owner to enact his 'No Africans After 5p' policy and why it may have less to do with race than most people think.

Leaders in both China and Africa have articulated new visions for their respective regions that project a strong sense of confidence, renewal and a break from once-dominant Western ideologies. In both cases, argues East is Read blogger Mothusi Turner, Chinese and Africans are using these new slogans to define themselves as something other than victims of their shared colonial pasts. Mothusi joins Eric & Cobus to discuss how these two ideologies converge and why this new intellectual framework is so important for both sides of the Sino-African relationship.

In February 2015, China announced a one-year ban on ivory imports. While many conservation groups such as the Environmental Investigation Agency denounced Beijing's policy as "ineffective," the San Francisco-based group WildAid said is an important step in the right direction and part of a broader Chinese policy shift towards more progressive wildlife protection laws. Peter Knights is the co-founder and Executive Director of WildAid and joins Eric & Cobus to discuss why he is among the few conservation leaders who is actually optimistic about the Chinese ivory import ban as well as how he is a leading campaign to make animal conservation 'aspirational value' in China.

The Chinese population on the east African island of Madagascar defies many of the poorly-informed albeit widely-held stereotypes about Chinese migrants on the rest of the continent. First, the community there isn't small or isolated. In fact, the Chinese population on Madagascar is now estimated to be around 100,000 and growing, making it the third largest Chinese community in all of Africa. While many Chinese immigrants in the rest of Africa are new to the region, not in Madagascar. The first wave of Chinese migration to the island dates back to the early 1800s. Whereas Chinese migrants elsewhere in Africa are often viewed quite poorly by the local population, in Madagascar the older generation of Chinese migrants is regarded as among the most popular of the islands various minorities. Sino-Malagasy expert Cornelia Tremann joins Eric & Cobus to discuss one of the most fascinating Chinese engagements anywhere in Africa.

When finished, the new deep sea port in the southern Cameroonian city of Kribi will likely become a major gateway for all Central Africa. This will be Cameroon’s only deep-sea port that can accommodate the larger inter-continental trading ships. This might explain why officials have placed such a huge financial bet on the project. The wager is that the billion dollars of low-cost Chinese loans that Cameroon is taking on will be offset by revenues generated from a surge in trade and economic activity. With hundreds of millions of dollars at stake, the Kribi port project is also potentially risky for China. Shannon Tiezzi, China editor at The Diplomat, explains that Beijing is investing heavily in port projects around the world as part of its new Maritime Silk Road initiative. Tiezzi joins Eric & Cobus this week to discuss this new, modern age Silk Road and why Africa may emerge as a critical hub.

Annie Hou (侯艺筱) is a third year high school student at Sudan International School in Shanghai who recently spent several weeks in Kenya as part of a program with the Chinese corporate social responsibility NGO China House Kenya. While in Nairobi, Annie had the opportunity to do research on Chinese management and labor practices at construction projects and to learn firsthand about the challenges facing Chinese companies operating in Kenya and Africa as a whole. She joins Eric and Cobus to talk about her experience in Kenya and the perspective of the next generation on the future of Sino-African relations.

Buried in the trove of secret intelligence documents known as "The Spy Cables" obtained by Al Jazeera and The Guardian is a passing reference to allegations Chinese spies broke into a South African nuclear facility in 2007. Interestingly, this was the only mention of Chinese espionage in Africa during the period covered in the Spy Cables documents from 2006 through the end 2014. Eric & Cobus discuss why it might be that the 'Cables' reveal that other intelligence services are seemingly more active in covert intelligence in Africa and not the Chinese: 'just because you don't see them, doesn't mean they aren't there.'

The list of grievances against Chinese companies operating in Africa is long and varied, from violations of labor rights to environmental destruction to widespread allegations of corruption. Although it is hard to tell how many companies are truly guilty of poor corporate citizenship, the perception of bad behavior is nonetheless widespread. However, that may beginning to change says Witney Schneidman, a Brookings Institution fellow and a former Africa policy-maker for the U.S. State Department. In a December 2014 blog post on the Brookings website, Schneidman contends that there is a growing awareness in Beijing of the need for Chinese corporate behavior to evolve beyond the current loan-fueled rush to grab market share and natural resources. Schneidman joins Eric & Cobus to discuss his views on the new, emerging era of improving Chinese corporate behavior in Africa.

The Comoros is a tiny island nation off the east coast of Africa in the Indian ocean and where a major Chinese experiment is underway. Chinese scientists and pharmaceutical have undertaken a radical experiment to test an unlicensed anti-malarial herbal medicine on the ENTIRE population of the Comoros. Succeed or fail, the stakes are incredibly high. Separately, Beijing is also playing a high-profile in the island nation's economic development with its usual package of infrastructure and loans. Journalist Shannon van Sant traveled to the Comoros on assignment for CBS News and joins us to talk about the PRC's big gamble on this tiny country.

It's long been said that while China may have an Africa policy, African do not have a China policy. In particular, too many Africans do not understand the language, culture and politics of their new number one trading partner. The University of Botswana, for its part, is trying to change that. UB has one of the most ambitious Chinese studies programs in Africa. Dr. Frank Youngman helped establish the Chinese undergraduate & graduate studies programs at UB and joins Eric & Cobus to discuss the curricula and the difficulties the university's having in growing its Chinese studies department.

It's not really news anymore when China announces yet another massive infrastructure construction deal in Africa. Typically these deals are done at the national level so when Beijing and the African Union signed a major transport infrastructure MOU in late January it did raise some eyebrows. Both sides praised the deal as a major event but neither revealed any specifics of how much it was worth or who would actually benefit. James Schneider, Editorial Director at New African magazine was at the PRC/AU signing event and joins Eric & Cobus to shed some light on this mysterious MOU.

Anti-government protestors filled the streets of the DRC capital Kinshasa on January 19 and 20 to protest against a new election law making its way through the National Assembly. The new law calls for a national census before another presidential election is held which could lead to an unconstitutional extension in office by incumbent president Joseph Kabila. Rioters turned their anger against Chinese merchants in the capital, razing stores and attacking migrants. At least three Chinese migrants were injured and 180 were ushered to safety by the PRC embassy. It is not clear exactly why the protestors focused their anger on the Chinese community in particular. Leading Sino-Congolese scholar Johanna Malm joins Eric and Cobus to discuss what may have prompted this xenophobic outburst.

There is a custom in Chinese diplomacy that the Foreign Minister's first overseas trip of the year always begins in Africa. This year was no exception as Wang Yi led a high-profile tour of five African states including Kenya, Sudan, the DR Congo, Cameroon and Equatorial Guinea. Wang opened the tour on a somewhat provocative note by challenging critics who believe Beijing is attempting to build a new empire in Africa. "China will never follow the track of western colonists and all cooperation with Africa will never come at the expense of the ecology, environment or long-term interests of Africa,” he said in an interview with CCTV Africa in Nairobi. This week, Eric and Cobus dissect the foreign minister's comments and review his diplomatic tour across Africa.

South Africa is emerging as one of China's most important international partners as the relationship deepens across all levels. Economically, South Africa is the source of more Chinese investment than any other country on the continent. However, this relationship extends far beyond just investment. In education, diplomacy, finance and, most significantly, the two countries' ruling parties are all broadening their ties with one another. Kemp Bosielo, a South African masters candidate at the prestigious Tsinghua University in Beijing, joins Eric and Cobus to discuss the unique aspects of this increasingly important geopolitical relationship.

Nestled in apartments and offices throughout the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou are dozens of improvised churches that cater to the region's Pentecostal Africans, largely from Nigeria. These churches not only serve the community's religious needs but also act as a sort of cultural refuge for African migrants living in Guangzhou. National Tsing Hua University (Taiwan) masters candidate Chen Yirong is among a small group of foreign who have gained access to these seldom seen churches as part of her research on the religious patterns of African migrants in southern China. Chen joins us to discuss the role these churches play among Nigerian migrants and the difficulties they face in avoiding detection from Chinese authorities.

A growing number of Chinese companies are looking to outsource production overseas in a bid to lower costs and meet Beijing's increasingly stringent environmental laws. Ethiopia and South Africa are among the beneficiaries of this new trend as Chinese apparel, textile and even steel companies move their production offshore. However, the outsourcing of Chinese manufacturing to Africa presents both opportunities and challenges. It will no doubt lead to increased employment, investment and economic growth but in countries with lax labor and environmental laws, there is the likelihood of abuse. Eric and Cobus review the pros and cons of the Chinese outsourcing trend in Africa.

2014 marked another landmark year in Sino-African relations as bilateral trade between the two regions broke new records while political/diplomatic/military ties all strengthened across the board. Yet despite the tangible progress made this year, this burgeoning relationship also began to encounter some of its most significant obstacles as both governments and publics across the continent showed significant frustration with Chinese environmental, labor and corporate social responsibility practices. In this special edition, Eric and Cobus reflect back on the most important milestones of 2014 and look forward to 2015 in China-Africa relations.

Chinese president Xi Jinping recently outlined a new, ambitious foreign policy agenda that aims to make China a global strategic power. Xi said the PRC must establish "big country diplomacy with Chinese characteristics" in what many analysts see as the president's latest effort to re-orient the international order to more reflect China's interests in line with its role as the world's largest economy. Not surprisingly, Xi has not mentioned Africa specifically, but there is no doubt that the continent plays an important role in Beijing's broader international agenda. University of Pretoria research associate Sanusha Naidu is our guest this week to discuss China, Africa and great power diplomacy.

Some say the number of Chinese in Africa now exceeds one million people, some even go as high as two million. Although no one has a precise accounting of just how many Chinese migrants now live on the continent, there is no doubt their numbers are large and growing. This week, we speak with Dr. Yoon Jung Park, one of the world's foremost experts on Chinese migration, to find out who are the Chinese in Africa and what are the effects of their integration into African societies?

Mali appears to be engaged in a risky diplomatic face-off with China over a proposed $11 billion rail project. While Chinese officials have refused to publicly commit to the project, Malian leaders say the two mine-to-coast rail contracts have actually been finalized. Other African countries have largely been unsuccessful in the past trying to pressure the Chinese through the media. Nonetheless, Mali’s vast reserves of iron ore, bauxite and, most significantly, gold, must be very tempting to China as it makes inroads in French West Africa. Our guest this week, Nuša Tukić from the Stellenbosch University Centre for Chinese Studies, closely follows Sino-Malian and shares her views on the whether Bamako’s strategy will ultimately pay off.

Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa (aka the 'BRICS') are moving forward with an ambitious plan to shake up the clubby world of development finance. The new BRICS bank announced over the summer 2014 is expected to have a profound impact on the African development finance sector as part of China's broader effort to re-orient the international system away from the West. Pretoria University research associate Sanusha Naidu is a leading expert on the BRICS and joins us to discuss the implications of China's agenda on African development finance.

Dr. Yoon June Park is among the most well-known Sino-Africa scholars in the field. Dr. Park has taught and done research on China-African affairs for over 20 years at universities in both the US and Africa. Now based in Washington D.C., where she co-founded the Chinese in Africa/Africans in China research network, Dr. Park reflects on the challenges and opportunities of pursuing an academic career in Sino-African studies.

A recent report by the UK-based Environmental Investigation Agency (EIA) alleges Chinese diplomats and officials are directly involved in the ivory trade in Africa. Most damaging, the EIA reports that even some members of visiting Chinese president Xi Jinxing's delegation smuggled dozens of kilos of ivory back after an official state visit to Tanzania in March 2013. If true, the optics of such allegations are terrible and go a long way to undermine China's soft-power diplomacy initiatives. However, our guest this week, journalist and Chinese CSR activist Huang Hongxiang of China House in Kenya, says these stories are often much more complex then they are portrayed.

Amnesty International and the Omega Research Foundation recently published a new report that alleges China is selling hundreds of millions of dollars in so-called 'torture tools' to African governments. Despite mounting evidence these devices are being used to commit severe human rights abuses, little is being done to regulate or limit their sale. Patrick Wilcken is a security trade and human rights researcher at Amnesty and a co-author of the report. He joins us this week to discuss China's booming trade in these repressive instruments.

China's seemingly insatiable demand for African wildlife is pushing dozens, and possibly hundreds of species towards extinction. While elephant and rhino poaching receive most of the attention, chimpanzees, gorillas and pangolins are among the many other animals that are brutally captured and killed in stunningly high numbers as part of the booming trade in illegal African wildlife. Karl Ammann has spent the past 40 years in Kenya and the Congo basin documenting this bloody trade. Ammann joins us to discuss the effects of surging Chinese demand for Africa's animals.

It's widely accepted that China is having a profound impact on China but rarely are African countries credited with changing China. The rare exception is South Sudan. China's complex economic and political interests in the country are prompting Beijing to re-think some of its long-held diplomatic principals including its so-called 'non interference' doctrine. Dr. Luke Patey, a leading expert on Sino-Sudanese relations, joins us to discuss why South Sudan is China's most important policy project in Africa today.

Few figures defined China's early engagement more than Zambia's late president Michael Sata. As as opposition leader, the man known as the "King Cobra" was among Beijing's most vocal critics in Zambia but later, once in power, became an avid supporter of China's investment in Zambia. He was a shrewd politician who viewed the presence of the Chinese in his country as a useful political lever that could be used to bludgeon his opponents be they domestic or foreign. Few outsider analysts knew Sata better than researcher Solange Guo Chatelard who spent years following his rise to power and his interactions with the Chinese. She joins us this week to discuss his legacy, particularly as it relates to his dealings with China.

Tanzanian president Jakaya Kikwete returned from Beijing this week loaded with $17 billion in new loans, investment deals and infrastructure projects. The Tanzanian leader spent 6 days in Beijing where he met with senior Chinese political and business leaders. Kikwete's lucrative trip highlights the president's distinctive ability to effectively manage an increasingly complex geopolitical environment among competing demands from the US, China and India.

Hannah Ryder has been on the job as the United Nations Development Program's Deputy Country Director for China for just a couple of months. Although she's new to China, Ryder is a veteran development professional with experience in Europe and Africa. A Kenyan-native, Ryder is using the opportunity in China to better understand what lessons from China's incredibly rapid economic development of the past three decades can be applied globally, particularly in places like Africa.

South African-native and Jeremy Goldkorn is an outspoken commentator, blogger and podcaster. Jeremy is the founder of the media research blog danwei.com and the co-host of the popular Sinica podcast with Kaiser Kuo. He is among the most insightful, provocative commentators on contemporary China and In this episode of the China in Africa podcast, Jeremy joins Eric and Cobus for a free-wheeling discussion on what the Sino-African relationship looks like from Beijing.

"The African way of life is under attack by Chinese corporations," argues University of Technology, Sydney doctoral candidate Onjumi Okumu. The Kenya-native contends that a combination of weak governance in African mixed with no legal restraints on Chinese corporate behavior encourage PRC companies to behave illegally and destructively in Africa, destroying the continent's fragile social capital. Okumu focuses, in particular, on the effects Chinese investments are having the people of Kenya. It's a provocative, controversial and fascinating thesis.

Thousands, maybe even millions of African women, are wearing hair extensions made in China. What they probably don't know is that hair may not be, well, from humans. BBC contributor Sam Piranty recently reported from China's factory zones on the complexities of the Sino-African hair trade and how in a small way this industry represents the best and worst of China's engagement in Africa.

Pretoria's apparent refusal to grant Tibetan spiritual leader The Dalai Lama a visa to attend a summit of Nobel peace laureates has sparked outrage in South Africa. Critics allege the government is bowing to China, undermining South African sovereignty. China's long-held policy toward The Dalai Lama is clear: any country that welcomes him will pay a price either diplomatically, economically or both. African leaders across the continent are watching this event carefully as an indication of how China can throw its hefty weight around when it wants to assert itself with much smaller, less powerful African states.

In June, China's ambassador to Juba publicly declared that Beijing would not sell weapons to any side of the ongoing civil conflict in South Sudan. So it was a bit of a surprise when it wa discovered that $38 million of weapons had been sold by the Chinese state-owned weapons company Norinco to the South Sudanese government. Now, in September, the Chinese government has cancelled that contract and now says it's living up to its original promise to embargo all arms sales.

Al Jazeera stands alone among the major international news channels in its regular coverage of the Chinese in Africa. In the network's latest documentary released in September 2014, veteran Sierra Leonean journalist Sorious Samura hosts "The Battle for Africa" where he examines the growing Chinese presence and the political response across the continent. The documentary's producer and director Clive Patterson joins us to discuss the making of this compelling two-part television series.

"For poor countries, China is no model" declares Zambian economist and author Dambisa Moyo in a September Wall Street Journal essay. Moyo's criticism of the Chinese economic model and its applicability for developing countries seemingly marks a dramatic evolution of her thinking with regards to the Chinese in Africa. For years, Moyo was among the most vocal supporters of China's economic engagement on the continent, but, just as the nature of the PRC's investments in Africa have evolved, so has apparently Moyo's thinking on the subject.

When the ebola crisis first struck West Africa, China was among the only major powers to not only keep its personnel in the affected countries but to also send tens of millions of dollars in badly needed aid. The US, by contrast, was visibly absent. That is, until President Barack Obama announced the deployment of 3,000 US military personnel on top of $175 million in other assistance. Now, critics are accusing China of not doing enough given its outsized economic presence in West Africa. Sure, China is now Africa's largest trading partner but given its own status as a developing country, is it fair to compare the US and Chinese response to the ebola crisis?

Publicly China's engagement in Africa is based on "mutual benefit" or, as Chinese officials like to phrase it "win win." Behind the scenes, though, it's a little more complicated. Many of those multibillion dollar natural resource-for-infrastructure deals have been arranged by mysterious middlemen like Sam Pa and his Hong Kong-based Queensway Group. These go-betweens, according to reporting from the FT's Tom Burgis, often do not live up to Beijing's lofty ideals as common Africans see little from the fruits of these deals while politicians, brokers and other elites pocket millions in profits.

Harare-based economist and columnist Vince Musewe doesn't mince words in his criticism of Zimbabwe's growing financial dependence. Beijing is 'bleeding Zimbabwe dry' through loans and Musewe says enough is enough. He is calling on Robert Mugabe's government to come clean and reveal the secret deals between the two governments, otherwise Musewe warns Zimbabwe will only sink further in to economic desperation.

For a third consecutive time, South Africa has made it clear to the Tibetan spiritual leader The Dalai Lama that he is not welcome to visit. Most recently, the DL was informed he would not receive a visa, forcing the controversial religious leader to cancel his visit to attend the upcoming World Summit of Nobel Peace Laureates in October. Although Pretoria officially denies that it is singling out The Dalai Lama, it's universally accepted the government is not interested in antagonizing China, its larger trading partner. Furthermore, South Africa is not alone as China leverages its expanding influence to further isolate The Dalai Lama, making it increasingly difficult for him to find an audience abroad.

Cameroon's rain forests are rapidly vanishing due to widespread corruption, according to a new report from Greenpeace Africa. The environmental activist group alleges that much of the illegally-harvested timber from Cameroon ends up in China where customs authorities look the other way against suspicious timber imports. In fact, the Chinese do not have any laws against illegal timber imports and Greenpeace claims that is one of the main reasons for the clear cutting of Cameroonian rain forests. Greenpeace Africa's forest campaign manager, Irène Wabiwa, joins us to talk about China's complicity in Cameroon's illegal timber trade.

Trade between China and Africa will break another new record this year as it's expected to top $200 billion. As trade continues to grow, officials from both regions frequently point to these figures as evidence of steadily improving ties. However, Beijing-based attorney Kai Xue warns that while the trade stats are indeed impressive, they also mask emerging difficulties in the Sino-African relationship.

The controversial Sino-Congolese mining deal Sicomines has been revived thanks to new financing from China's Exim Bank. This is one of Beijing's biggest natural resources-for-infrastructure deals in Africa. If successful, the deal would net millions of tons in iron ore and cobalt for the Chinese while providing the Congolese with desperately needed infrastructure. Johanna Jansson is widely regarded as the leading scholar on Sino-DRC relations and the Sicomines deal in particular. In this episode, she shares her views on why the deal came back to life now and why it's so important for both countries.

China appears to be leveraging the ebola crisis in West Africa to radically improve its controversial foreign aid record. In contrast to Western countries who have evacuated their medical personnel from the region, China has sent teams of experts along with millions of dollars in badly needed medical supplies. Their efforts appear to be paying off in the eyes of African public opinion, demonstrating that China's commitment to the continent extends beyond the perception of a calculated mercantilist agenda.

There is a persistent meme within the international media that China's rise in Africa represents a "new scramble" for resources on the continent or a new form of colonialism. Beijing-based China-Africa analyst and attorney Kai Xue says contrary to this view, increased engagement of the Chinese and the US in Africa among other major powers actually offers tremendous benefits for Africans through increased trade and development. He argues the world two largest economies are "complementary rivals" on the continent whose interests don't really overlap with one another.

China Central TV multimedia journalist Clementine Logan recently completed a series of special reports from the eastern Democratic Republic of the Congo. Part of her assignment was to report on the increasingly large presence of Chinese soldiers assigned to the UN peacekeeping effort there, which until now, has received surprisingly little international media coverage. Clementine joins us to discuss her recent assignment to the DRC and the growing role of blue helmeted PLA staff operating in the region.

China may be sincere in its belief that its engagement in Africa is not neo-colonial or imperial in nature but author Howard French argues that may be what ultimately happens if Beijing continues on its current path. In his provocative new book, China's Second Continent, French travels across the continent to survey Chinese and African opinions about the PRC's expansive embrace of Africa. What he discovers offers both hope and concern for the future of the Chinese in Africa.

The United States Africa Leaders Summit was an effort to focus Americans' attention on the opportunities in Africa, and despite a solid effort by the president, there is little chance the summit will ultimately achieve its objective. President Barack Obama delivered a mixed message that articulated why the US is not competing with the Chinese in Africa while repeatedly explaining why the US should be the continent's preferred partner. In this edition, Cobus and Eric recap the summit's key messages and discuss why the US lacks the motivation to really engage in Africa.

Al Jazeera English's Marwan Bashara hosts a compelling episode of the documentary series "Empire" on "The New Scramble for Africa." The program is yet another in a series of high quality programs from AJE that explore China's engagement on the continent. Although Bashara does an excellent job in exploring the issue from multiple sides, he also frames the issue in dated, anachronistic language that ultimately harms the show's underlying message. To comment on the show or to stay on top of the latest China-Africa headlines, please visit our Facebook page at www.facebook.com/ChinaAfricaProject or our website at www.chinaafricaproject.com.

For the first time for an American president, Barack Obama is convening in Washington a summit of almost every African head of state. The stated goal of the US-Africa Leaders Summit is to focus on US trade and investment, while publicly stating that the event in no way should be seen as a competition with China's surging investment on the continent. Yeah, well, no one really believes that. Of course every one is watching this summit as a barometer of how engaged Washington plans to be relative to the ever expanding presence of the Chinese, Indians, Brazilians and others across Africa.

There is a growing sense among Africans and Chinese alike that their once heady romance is now entering a new, more pragmatic phase. Across Africa, people and politicians are becoming visibly more concerned about the surging trade deficits, massive loan debts, persistent labor rights violations and a changing immigrant demography that may be beyond their control. China, for its part, is uncharacteristically humble in its assessments of the situation, describing it as "growing pains" and admitting that some of its people in Africa are undermining bilateral ties. Nairobi-based Sino-African consultant Huang Hongxiang joins us to talk about new challenges ahead.

Turned away by trade tariffs in Europe and the United States, Chinese solar panel makers are now turning to Africa as potentially huge growth market. Chinese solar power projects are popping up across the continent, ranging for a massive 200 mw facility in Ghana to rural electrification in off-grid villages in Tanzania. Although the potential for growth is tremendous, it's also an industry fraught with risk. Huang Hongxiang of the corporate advisory firm China House Kenya joins us to discuss his latest project advising a Chinese solar panel maker on an investment in Tanzania.

China's recent publication of its white paper on international aid reaffirmed the important role that Africa plays in Beijing's global development policy. Although the PRC is not known for its generous aid programs, its overseas development budget is steadily increasing and Africa appears to benefiting more than any other region in the world. Over half of the $14+ billion dollars the Chinese government allocated to aid/development went to Africa for the period from 2010 to 2012.

South African president Jacob Zuma personally oversaw the opening of the First Automative Works (FAW) factory in Port Elizabeth, China's single largest investment in the country. The new production facility comes at an opportune time for South Africa as BMW, GM and other car-makers have slowed or suspended output. FAW, though, is entering potentially treacherous territory as South Africa's notoriously aggressive unions may present a new challenge to a company ill-prepared to deal with powerful organized labor groups.

A Chinese multi-level marketing company has signed up hundreds of thousands of Ugandans to pitch their so-called medicines and medical supplies in the hope of curing seemingly any illness and getting rich at the same time. Not surprisingly, Tiens or as it's known in Chinese "Tianshi's" products aren't doing much more than scamming people. Think Africa Press editor James Wan completed a reporting trip to Uganda earlier this year to report on this potentially dangerous scam and why Tiens has been so successful there.

The Chinese have been a part of South Africa's complicated racial and cultural fabric for centuries, dating all the way back to the 17th century. Yet, despite their long presence in the country, little is known about the Chinese community and their contributions to South African life. Native-born South African writer Melanie Yap co-authored the definitive book on the subject and joins us this week to explain the long and complex history of Chinese migration to southern Africa.

No where in Africa is China's engagement more comprehensive than it is in South Africa. China Inc. has set up shop throughout SA for manufacturing, finance and as the continent's valuable consumer market. In turn, South Africa is now becoming so reliant on its booming raw material trade with China that both its currency and stock market are effectively pegged to the Chinese economy. However, to define this relationship in purely economic terms misses just how comprehensive it's rapidly becoming in the realms of culture, military and geo-politics. Sinologist Dr. Ross Anthony from the Stellenbosch University Center for Chinese Studies is our guest this week to discuss burgeoning ties between Pretoria and Beijing.

It's a bit counterintuitive to think that a country supposedly run by a communist workers party would be so hostile to labor unions, which is the case in China. Although there are no independent Chinese unions and the few official unions there are do not have the ability to strike or organize against their employers as is common elsewhere. Nonetheless, China's officials unions think they have something to offer their African counterparts and are reaching out to work together. Part of the effort is to help smooth the increasingly tense relations between Chinese employers and African workers on the continent. The China Africa Project's newest contributor Maddalena Procopio, a Phd candidate at the London School of Economics, is our special guest to discuss Sino-African labor union cooperation.

In the staid world of economics, Justin Yifu Lin is the closest one comes to being a bonafide celebrity. Lin is the former chief economist of the World Bank and, more importantly, among the lead architects of China's three-decade-long economic renaissance that has produced the greatest economic expansion in human history. Now, Lin is taking the lessons learned from China's experience and advising other governments, including those in Africa, on how they can learn from the PRC's experience.

While US and Chinese interests often have divergent interests in Africa, they do share at least one common enemy: terrorism. Chinese nationals have been kidnapped and held for ransom in a number of African countries including South Sudan, Egypt and now in Cameroon where Nigerian-militants believed to be members of Boko Haram are holding three Chinese hostages. Ross Anthony of the Centre for Chinese Studies at Stellenbosch University in South Africa is our guest this week to discuss his recent research on how the US and China may find common ground in their ongoing battle against Islamic extremism.

A marriage boom of sorts is underway in China where a growing number of African men are tying the knot with Chinese women. While these new families are breaking long-held cultural stereotypes, they are also confronting a whole set of new challenges in the form of China's byzantine legal system. The South China Morning Post's Jenni Marsh joins us to discuss her reporting on these new unions and the difficulties ahead for these Sino-African newlyweds.

The Chinese and African media narratives of one another are significantly different than what one reads/watches/hears in the West. Sino-African media scholar Bob Wekesa joins us to discuss how each side in this burgeoning geopolitical relationship views each other through their respective media.

Since its launch in 2012, CCTV Africa has grown considerably in its distribution and programming. However, the central question remains as to whether or not anyone is actually watching to justify the massive investment undertaken by the Chinese government. According to research by leading Sino-Africa media scholar Bob Wekesa, apparently the channel is building an audience on the continent through its coverage of so-called "positive news."

Just a few weeks after visiting Chinese premier Li Keqiang admitted that China was going through "growing pains" in its engagement Africa, Beijing's central bank chief, Zhou Xiaochuan, acknowledged some of the 2,500 PRC companies operating in Africa are behaving "not so good, not so satisfactory.” Zhou made the comments after signing a landmark $2 billion financing deal with the African Development Bank in what seemingly appears to be a new, more humble diplomatic approach to its foreign policy engagement on the continent.

The Chinese have a well-earned reputation in Africa for not being very environmentally conscious. From highly mechanized clear cutting of tropical forests to the wholesale slaughter of endangered wildlife, the Chinese do not have an impressive track record on the continent. However, there are indications that that may now beginning to change. Our guest this week, Xiaoxue Weng of the International Institute for Environment and Development in London, says a new generation of Chinese journalists, activists and citizens are emerging who have a very different worldview than their predecessors.

Tens of thousands of independent, small-scale Chinese merchants are "invading" Africa's informal economy, posing a long term economic risk for the continent according to University of North Carolina professor Margaret C. Lee. Professor Lee joins us this week to talk about the pressure African merchants are facing from these Chinese traders and the dire long term consequences that could arise if African policy makers do not address the issue.

The United States and China are competing for markets and influence in a number of theaters around the world, none more so than in Africa. While Beijing's "no strings attached" approach is certainly popular among Africa's elites, the United States remains a potent economic and soft-power force. Yun Sun of the Brookings Institute in Washington, D.C. joins us this week to talk about whether Sino-US engagement in Africa should be framed in terms of competition or cooperation?

A pair of young Americans is working to raise money for a new documentary that chronicles the opportunities and challenges confronting African migrants in the southern Chinese city of Guangzhou. The film's producer, Melissa Lefowitz, joins us to talk about the project and what it's going to take to get the production started.

Chinese Prime Minister Li Keqiang wrapped up his four-nation tour of Africa where he set out to broaden Beijing's diplomacy on the continent beyond natural resource extraction. Li was well-received in each stop along his journey and seemingly received high marks for China's new, more ambitious agenda in Africa. Eric & Cobus look at the key trends to emerge from this visit and how it might affect the broader Sino-African engagement.

Human Rights Watch's recent report on telecom surveillance in Ethiopia focuses a lot of attention on the role of Chinese contractors who are building out the country's new communications infrastructure. One of the co-authors of that report, Cynthia Wong, joins us for more on the role of Chinese tech companies operating in Ethiopia and her recommendations for what should be done to protect Ethiopians' civil and political rights.

Chinese Prime Minister Li Keqiang has embarked on his first official visit to Africa since becoming premier and he has indicated that he hopes to re-orient Beijing's relations with the content beyond trade and natural resource extraction. This week on the program, Eric and Cobus analyze each country on the premier's itinerary.

Itle Nganta Dogmo is a Cameroonian-born university student in the United States who is now raising money to produce a documentary movie about China's engagement in Africa. Itle was motivated in part to take on this project after seeing firsthand just how poorly informed people in the US were about this important geopolitical trend. She joins us this week to talk about the challenges involved in taking on such a massive topic and how her documentary project will be stand out.

The Ethiopian government is expanding its suppression of civil and political dissent with the upgrade of its telecommunications network according to a new report from Human Rights Watch. The report alleges that censorship and surveillance are both on the rise as foreign companies, largely Chinese, install new 3G/4G mobile networks. While HRW's report should be commended for documenting the increased repression, the NGO's recommendations on how to remedy the situation are both generic and toothless.

New data reveals the massive amounts of money that China is spending on infrastructure development in Africa. In 2012, according to these figures, China spent a staggering $13 billion on roads, bridges and other infrastructure projects across the continent. By contrast, the United States spent just $791 million during that same time. Given Africa's desperate need for infrastructure, it's assumed that China's largesse is inevitably a good thing but others are concerned that this money may carry a lot of risks.

Chinese companies, both public and private, have a well-deserved reputation around the world for not always being, well, the best corporate citizens. Corporate Social Responsibility is a new trend in Chinese corporate culture that has only recent begun to gain a following. Now, however, there are indications that some Chinese companies in Africa are beginning to take CSR seriously. Huang Hongxiang of China House in Nairobi, Kenya joins us this week to talk about his work on the ground to help improve both Chinese CSR in Kenya and Chinese corporate communications as a whole.

Sino-African relations is too often viewed in the context of how the relationship benefits China. This week, Dr. Daouda Cissé from Stellenbosch University in Cape Town, South Africa, joins us to share his views on a pan-African view of this vital relationship. In particular, we explore the critically important role of African governance and whether the continent's leaders are serving their people well when negotiating trade and investment agreements with the Chinese.

While China's economy shows more evidence that it is slowing down, there hasn't been any noticeable impact on trade with Africa. In fact, bilateral trade is expected to break another record this year, smashing through the $200 billion level. Nonetheless, that doesn't mean everything is going smoothly. Dr. Daouda Cissé from the Center for Chinese Studies at Stellenbosch University is an expert in Sino-African trade and says that although the economic relationship remains strong, serious problems are now beginning to emerge.

The Western media often portrays US & China as zero-sum game competitors in Africa, where if one wins the other loses by default. A new report from the Rand Corporation challenges that perception by detailing how the US & China are often complementary to one another in Africa and ultimately benefit African states themselves through enhanced competition. This week, Larry Hanauer and Lyle Morris from the Rand Corporation join us from Washington D.C. to discuss.

A February 2014 survey by the Ethics Institute of South Africa reveals deeply held negative views of Chinese business practices in Africa. In particular, respondents expressed concern over Chinese labor, environmental and CSR practices in Africa, illustrating just how much work ahead Chinese companies have to do to improve their image on the continent. This week, Cobus and Eric talk with the Deon Roussouw, Ethicsa CEO, about the survey and his recommendations on what can be done to improve Chinese business relations in Africa.

China-Africa public diplomacy is largely dominated by the presence of heads of state however over the past month three ambassadors from three different countries have hit the airwaves to speak out on the development of Sino-African relations. Representatives from the US, South Africa and Germany all shared their views, which not surprisingly, were quite divergent from one another.

Beijing-based attorney Kai Xue joins us to share his perspective on the suggestion China may be having second thoughts about some of its riskier investments in Africa. Kai Xue also addresses his recent rebuttal to famed primatologist Jane Goodall who suggested the PRC is behaving in the same manor European colonialists did in Africa during the imperial era.

Three Chinese weapons sales and military communiques recently made news in Africa. In Algeria and Nigeria, the Chinese have been delivering a series of naval and land-based arms procurements while in Djibouti, defense ministers from the two countries recently signed a new military partnership agreement. Although the Chinese are far behind the United States and Russia in global arms sales, they are rapidly catching up in some parts of the world including Africa.

A recent article by journalist Jacob Kushner published in Think Africa Press suggests China may be tiring of some of its high-risk investments in Africa and how Beijing may now be reconsidering its broader strategy on the continent. Meanwhile, China's state-run media is running with an entirely different narrative that, not surprisingly, touts China's deepening engagement in Africa. So... what perspective should you believe?

When environmental and labor laws are enforced in the industrial world, it's, well, just normal. When Zambia does it, it's characterized in news reports as "pushing back." This week, Cobus and Eric discuss what appears to be a double standard in the media narrative, particularly as it relates to Chinese investors in the country.

The past few months highlight the complexities of Sino-South African relations. An attack by armed assailants on a tour bus filled with Chinese visitors combined with rising anti-Chinese sentiment illustrate the real-world challenges facing the PRC in SA; conversely, president Zuma forcefully speaks out in favor of Chinese investment and the seemingly constant flow of Chinese FDI into the country represent the huge potential upside.

Chinese troops are now wearing blue helmets as part of a UN peacekeeping operation in Mali, Chinese police are training their Liberian counterparts and Chinese diplomats are furiously trying to bridge the divides between the rival parties in South Sudan. These three examples point to a more robust, actively engaged Chinese policy for post-conflict mediation but are these just the few exceptions that prove China's reluctance to step up to its global obligations as the world's newest superpower? Professor Dan Large from Central European University in Budapest is an expert in this field and joins us to discuss Beijing's policies in conflict/post-conflict Africa.

China is well-known for its ability to endure volatile, high-risk environments in Africa but with the resumption of fighting in South Sudan, there are indications that even Beijing may be reaching the limits of their risk tolerance. With its oil workers evacuated and its diplomacy encountering new obstacles, China is well-positioned now to follow the US lead when Chevron fled Sudan never to return. Dr. Dan Large of Central European University joins us to discuss the future of China's relationship with Africa's youngest, and now most volatile country.

While the size and breadth of India's investment in Africa are no match for China's, the Indians are making inroads in certain strategic areas that far outpace that of their Chinese counterparts. Indian software firms and back-office outsourcing firms are aggressively building market share in sectors were the Chinese either can't or don't compete. While the media may position these two Asian rivals as competitors in Africa, the truth is that they are actually far more complementary to one another... and for Africa that can only be a good thing.

The first signs of an embryonic Chinese policy for Africa date back to 1955 t the Bandung Conference in Indonesia where foreign minister Zhou Enlai articulated many of the key tenants of China's African policy objectives that are still relevant today. So, to fully understand the current state of Sino-African ties, it is critical to look back at what happened in Bandung.

While the West has shunned Sudan for the past 20 years, scholar and author Luke Patey argues in his book that China has made Khartoum the centerpiece of its ambitious engagement in Africa. Patey joins us to discuss his new book "The New Kings of Crude" and how China's national oil company, CNPC, helped pulled Sudan from the edge of becoming a failed-state to one of the world's largest oil exporting countries.

The 1955 Bandung Conference in Indonesia is seen as among the most important historical milestones in Sino-African ties as it marks the first time that China appears to have had anything close to an Africa policy. Author and scholar Francis George Stevens joins us to discuss his news book, China and Africa Love Affair" and why he argues that the strength in today's Sino-African engagement is rooted in what happened in Bandung all those years ago.

The Chinese government recently announced a new initiative to afford all senior Nigerian officials with visa-free access. Meanwhile, life is becoming increasingly difficult for the thousands of Nigerian migrants who often languish in a immigration-netherworld in China.

It's well documented China's investment in African infrastructure dominates that of every other country, particularly those in Europe. So it was a bit surprising to see the agenda at the 2014 Build Africa infrastructure forum in Brazzaville where Chinese speakers and a discussion about the huge Chinese presence in the continent's infrastructure sector. The fact is that China's economic model gives it tremendous advantages over Western countries when it comes to financing and building infrastructure regardless of whether Europe and the US like it.

There are two oft-used stereotypes of the Chinese in Africa: 1) they are a new 'neo-colonial' power and 2) they are steam-rolling their way unimpeded across the continent. Both are clearly inaccurate and no where is that more evident than in Gabon. The Chinese have failed to break in to a system that is heavily dominated by French influence, a French legal system and French cultural norms that are impenetrable by outsiders. Nonetheless, Gabon represents on the most fascinating case studies to examine China's persistence in entering a potentially lucrative market for timber, oil and iron ore.

Japan and China's increasingly toxic relations in Asia are now spilling over to Africa where leaders from the rival countries are battling one another for influence on the continent. Although China has been much more active in Africa over the past decade, Japanese prime minister Shinzo Abe made it clear on his visit earlier this year that Tokyo will now be there to rival China in terms of money, ideology and development assistance. So after years of neglect by the world's major powers, Africa has now has the firm attention of the world's 2nd and 3rd largest economies. The more important question is how will African leaders respond?

The Chinese government is receiving praise for the role it played in bringing Sudan's rival factions together to draft a tenuous ceasefire. This is among the first instances where Beijing has a played a central role in international diplomacy and may be a hint of a new, more robust foreign policy. This week's special guest, Chris Alden of the South African Institute of International Affairs, explains why this could be critically important for Africa.

While the BRICS countries ramp up their competition in Africa for oil and other natural resources, another, more subtle, rivalry is also occurring. The Chinese, Russians and Brazilians among others are spending billions of dollars in soft power and public diplomacy initiatives. For example, Russia's RT television broadcasts compete with Brazil's TV Globo and China's CCTV. Our special guest this week is Chris Alden from the South African Institute of International Affairs explains why this subtler form of geopolitics is so important.

There was a lot of excitement following last year's BRICS summit in Durban, South Africa yet little from the commWhat has come of the BRICS big ambitions in Africa? Countless promises were made after last year's summit in Durban, South Africa yet little of that hype has materialized into substantive action. That said, it may not be wise to discount what each of the BRICS are doing in Africa as they are all becoming increasingly engaged, albeit using dramatically different strategies.

China doesn't have much experience as an international mediator, especially in Africa. However, Beijing is playing a central role in the ongoing peace talks in Addis Ababa to resolve the stand-off between the president and his rival vice president. With billions of dollars in investments on the line, China has a lot at stake in South Sudan and is being forced to be a much more proactive diplomatic player than it is usually accustomed.

Two of China's leading telecom giants have enjoyed tremendous success throughout Africa but not in Ethiopia. Huawei and ZTE are both accused of corruption and poor quality of service for the roll outs of data/voice networks there. Not surprisingly, the companies argue they are not to blame for the massive difficulties they've encountered. Wall Street Journal reporter Matthew Dalton explains why this particular deal has become so complicated.

For the first time in, well, ever, the world's media, the Twitterverse and blogospheres were euphoric about a Chinese policy initiative. The Chinese government's decision to destroy 6 tons of its vast stash of confiscated ivory was so well received around Africa and the world, one has to wonder why Beijing spends billions on public diplomacy programs (e.g. CCTV Africa) when all it has to do is ban the sale of ivory and it will seemingly win a much bigger pay off in good will around the world. Plus, a CNN report from the Republic of Congo leverages some well-worn cliches in the poaching wars.

China and Japan's long simmering tensions in Asia have now found their way to Africa as top officials from both countries tour the continent. First, Chinese foreign minister Wang Yi started to criticize Japan's lack of engagement on the continent ahead of prime minister Shinzo Abe's three-nation African tour. In turn, Abe countered by throwing a number of subtle digs towards Beijing. So what does the Sino-Japanese squabble mean for Africa? Well, in the short, probably a whole lot more cash.

An in depth discussion this week on the top stories in Chinese-African relations from 2013 and a look at the key trends for 2014. On the list: the deadly ivory trade, illegal Chinese gold mining in Ghana, China's Sudan challenge and what effect will a slowing Chinese economy have on the continent's economic growth prospects in the months ahead.

In just the past few years Chinese shopping malls have sprouted up across South Africa. These new retail centers are open every day of the year and offer rock-bottom prices. Consumers love them but competitors feel they are undermining the domestic economy. Sino-African scholar Romain Dittgen joins us to discuss this increasingly controversial retail trend.

Chinese oil production is back on line in Chad following N'Djamena's controversial decision to shut down all of CNPC's operations over alleged environmental abuses. Although the CNPC decision dominates the headlines, scholar Romain Dittgen says the relationship between the two countries is far more complicated.

The cost and difficulty of doing business in Africa is going up for the Chinese, prompting new concerns that the era of endless flows of Chinese cash may now be coming to an end. Beijing-based attorney and Sino-African investment advisor Kai Xue joins us to discuss why he foresees a major slow-down in Chinese outbound investment towards Africa.

China's presence in African media has increased dramatically in recent years but the presence of Africans and Africa as a whole remains extremely limited on Chinese television. This week, Sino-African media scholar Bob Wekesa joins us to discuss Chinese media perceptions and news coverage of Africa.

The New Yorker's former China correspondent Evan Osnos wrote that China's foreign policy agenda is undergoing a radical overhaul as it appears to be moving away from its emphasis on soft power towards a harder, more aggressive militarized agenda. Nonetheless, Sino-African scholar Bob Wekesa contends in this episode that while that may be the case in Asia, in Africa, China will continue to invest heavily in media and other tools of public diplomacy.

Nelson Mandela's first made contact with China in the 1950s when he was ANC militant. Over the decades, the former South African leader maintained his China connection, even leading his country to the historic decision to switch diplomatic ties from Taiwan to the PRC. Sino-African scholar Bob Wekesa is our special guest this week to discuss Mandela's little know, yet critically important, China connection.

The so-called BRICS powers of Brazil, Russia, India, China and South Africa agreed at their 2013 summit in Durban to explore the idea of creating a new development bank. As the group's largest economy, China would likely dominate the bank's shareholders and possibly set its agenda prompting concerns in Africa that once again the continent's priorities would be ignored.

An important political struggle is underway in Beijing where competing ministries are wrestling for control of the country's increasingly robust foreign policy agenda, particularly in Africa. While foreign policy is traditionally the domain of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, more and more power is now being shared with Commerce, Defense and the Exim Bank among others. So just who is in control?

Angola is China's largest trading partner in Africa and in so many ways highlights the best and worst of the PRC's engagement on the continent. In the aftermath of the Angolan civil war that effectively destroyed the country, Beijing has done more to rebuild Angola than any other country or NGO. Yet, the billions of dollars invested there have also lined the pockets of an entrenched political elite, who, so long as they provide China with access to oil, Beijing will look the other way on gross human rights violations and wide-scale corruption.

Yaounde-based economist Simplice Asongu challenged the prevailing stereotypes about the Chinese in Africa in a recent opinion column. So much of anti-China narrative, he wrote, is rooted in inaccuracy and mis-information. That said, he did challenge African governments to negotiate better with the Chinese as a means of building a more equitable relationship.

Many of China's largest mining companies are implementing a new strategy in Africa where they no longer want to buy assets outright but rather make strategic investments and partnerships. This is a dramatic shift and further undermines the assertion made by China's critics that Beijing is engaging in a "neo-colonial" agenda in Africa.

France remains a potent force in Africa, having launched three wars alone on the continent since 2010. Today though, Paris' influence is in rapid retreat as China's influence rapidly spreads into France's once impenetrable sphere of influence. Shockingly, too many in France are not paying any attention and do not appear to understand the impact of this geo-political shift.

Chinese warships are now making regular tours through the Mediterranean with ports of call in Africa, Europe and the Middle East. This new display of naval power reflects Beijing's interests throughout the region as billions of dollars of Chinese oil, trade and investments pass through these waters.